1. INTRODUCTION

To critics of Chinese literature and art, verisimilitude (xingsl fäi&)! is a key term employed to define the descriptive features that characterize many Chinese literary works and paintings. As of yet, however, no effort has been made to elucidate the development and evolution of this important concept. The present paper attempts to meet this need and present a more comprehensive picture of early medieval Chinese literature.

Modern scholars who study verisimilitude associate the style primarily with Song-QiLiang times (420-557) and the poetic genre of shï (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (sfti-poetry).2 One modern scholar, Lin Yingde, has even proposed to define verisimilitude as the "Xingsi Style" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), one element of a larger "Yuanjia Style" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (the Yuanjia period was 424-454; Lin 2006b: 1 19-22). The same scholar has also argued that Zhang Xie (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (d. 307) was an important figure in developing the verisimilar style of the Western Jin (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) period (265-317), but the time in which he lived was not ready for it (Lin 2005: 132). The consensus of contemporary scholars corresponds well with how the critics of the Southern Dynasties (420-589) use the term.

Shen Yue (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (441-513) was the first critic to use xingsl as a critical term. At the end of the "Biography of Xie Lingyun" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in the Songshu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), he comments:

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).3

From Han to Wei, about four hundred years, rhapsodists and talented men changed style three times. Xiangru [Sima Xiangru (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (179-117 BCE)] was articulate in verisimilar (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) description; the two Bans excelled in sensational expression. The two Bans were Shupi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) and Mengjian (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). Zijian (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

and Zhongxuan [Wang Can (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (177-217)] regarded vigor and disposition as the essentials of writing.

According to Shen Yue, xingsi captures the crucial feature of Sima Xiangru's works, which focus on representing objects. Prior to that time Chinese literature lacked a comparable descriptive writing method.4 The paragraph cited also suggests that Shen Yue did not consider verisimilitude a major feature among writers after Sima Xiangru.

In a discussion on Song literature Liu Xie (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (ca. 465-522) uses the same word in the chapter "Wuse (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) of his acclaimed Wenxin diaolong (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).5

In recent times value has been placed on resemblance to external shape [verisimilitude M^,] in literature. [Writers] look to the circumstantial quality in scene and atmosphere; they carve appearances out of the vegetation . . . their artful language catches the manner of things like a seal pressed in paste, minutely delineating the finest details, with no need of further embellishment.

In order to understand this remark, we must know what exactly was meant by ßndai 3Ef^ "recent times." In the chapter "Mingshi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) of the same book, Liu Xie again comments on what he called the literature of "recent times":

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). 6

At the beginning of the Song, some development in the literary trend was evident ... In expressing feelings, authors always did so in complete harmony with the things they described; and in literary phraseology they tried their best to achieve freshness. These are the fields in which recent writers have been competing.

Clearly "recent times" refers to the period from the Song dynasty to Liu's own time, meaning that he intends the term "verisimilitude" to describe the literary style of the Six Dynasties, but not that of the Jin Dynasty.

In his Shipin (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Zhong Rong UiI^ (ca. 465-518) also employs the concept of verisimilitude four times (see Cao 1994: 149, 160, 270, and 290):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

As for Zhang Xie [d. 307], his style originated from Wang Can ... He was skillful at constructing verisimilar (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) descriptions.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

As for Xie Lingyun [385-433], his style originated from Cao Zhi, and was also mixed with Zhang Xie's style. Therefore he also valued constructing verisimilar (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) descriptions.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

As for Yang Yanzhi [384-456], his style originated from Lu Ji [261-303]. He valued constructing verisimilar [qìàosì (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) descriptions.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

As for Bao Zhao [ca. 412-466], his style originated from the two Zhangs [Zhang Xie and Zhang Hua], and was good at making use of descriptive [xfngzhuang (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)] wording . . .

Judging from this context, the word qiâosi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) means "constructing verisimilar descriptions" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). Zhong Rong here delineates the development of this style starting with Jin Zhang Xie and then peaking with three Song poets.

The last critic in the Southern Dynasties to use the term "verisimilitude" was Yan Zhitui (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (b. 531). In the chapter "Wenzhang (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) of his Yanshi jiaxun (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Yan says "He Xun's [d. 518] poems were indeed clear, witty, and full of vivid [xingsl (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) descriptions" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Wang Liqi 1980: 276; Teng 1968: 106).

Together, these critics raise two points. First, they use the term verisimilitude in similar ways to mean the rhetorical technique of describing natural objects, representing the descriptive function of writing. Moreover, they agree that this style started with the Han fu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 'rhapsody', developed in Zhang Xie's poems, and matured in the poetry of Song-Qi-Liang times. But there is a gap in the history. Whereas Shen Yue uses the term to describe the writing of Sima Xiangru, he never refers to any poets from the Wei-Jin. As a result, Wei writers are never mentioned at all, and Wei-Jin rhapsody is thus omitted from the collective historiography.

How is it possible that verisimilitude evolved from the Han rhapsody to post-Jin poetry? If the trajectory sketched is accurate, it means the verisimilar style shifted from one genre to another, and in the process skipped the Jin altogether. The Jin ran nearly two hundred years, from 265 to 420. As the dynasty unified the whole country, ending a century of disunity, it attracted talents from the three previous states. Its literature made great progress and influenced later generations. Such a presumed lacuna in the historiography of Jin literature thus requires greater critical attention.

A few modern scholars have acknowledged that Jin literature, particularly Jin rhapsody, played a more important role in the transformation and evolution of verisimilitude. Rao Zongyi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (1975: 10) in his Xuantang fuhua (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) says:

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

The rhapsodies of the Western Jin emphasized [concrete] matters and appearances and deemphasized sentiments and emotions. Perhaps, a reversal of the Jian'an period's tendency to weave literary works from feeling was caused by that time.

As the phrase "emphasized matters and appearances" is just an extended description of verisimilitude, Rao indeed links verisimilitude to the Western Jin and to rhapsody. The modern scholar Wu Huaijun (2000: 35) also has claimed that "from the Jin on, people started to establish verisimilar theory in rhapsody, and this theory was developed and refined until Liang-Chen times" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). Likewise, Chen Hong and Qu Fangfang (2004: 59) assert that "the verisimilitude theory that started with the Western Jin reached its peak in the early Southern Dynasties: the descriptive method became a descriptive aim" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

Although these scholars suggest that the rhapsody of the Western Jin played a key role in terms of developing the verisimilitude style and theory, none has analyzed any piece of rhapsody from that time or has elaborated on the idea. The same is true of those who study Jin literature in general. When examining Jin literature, scholars realize that it attempts to depict reality as it is, but comment on this feature briefly and with negative connotations. Luo Zongqiang, for example, asserts that "Western Jin writers completely turned to reality" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) and "when reading works by the Western Jin writers, you feel that they are so mediocre . . . gentlemen without passion created a beautiful but passionless literature" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).7 When summarizing the features of Wei-Jinyongww/w fu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 'rhapsody on an object' in a comprehensive treatment of this topic (1990: 399-499), Liao Guodong, a specialist on rhapsody of that period, does not even mention verisimilitude.

The present analysis aims to close the gap between the preliminary redefinition and development of verisimilitude during Jin times and the corresponding thorough research and appreciation of verisimilitude developed in Jin literature. It analyzes representative pieces by three influential rhapsodists during the Western Jin: Fu Xuan, Zhang Zai, and Zuo Si, who bridged the verisimilar style from the Han rhapsody to Southern Dynasties poetry.

2. FU XUAN AND CONFUCIUS' POETICS

Toward the close of the Three Kingdoms era, Fu Xuan entered the Jin Dynasty from the state of Wei and established himself as a respected official and prolific writer. Holding the position of Magistrate of Wen (modern Wenxian (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), He'nan (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), the hometown of the Sima (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) clan, Fu Xuan was able to establish a good relationship with the Sima family. Fortunately for Fu, the relationship paved the way for his later prominence when the Sima clan established the Jin Dynasty in 265. The new Emperor advanced Fu's aristocratic status to Viscount and honored him with the post of Commandant-Escort (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). Later he held the successive posts of Palace Attendant (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in 266, Palace Aide to the Censor-in-Chief (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in 268, Chamberlain for the Imperial Stud (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in 269, and Metropolitan Commandant (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in 275. 8

Fu was a productive writer. According to his biography in the Jin shu, he composed the Fuzi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), which "totaled one hundred and forty headings, and several hundred thousand words. In addition, there are collected essays of over a hundred juan in circulation" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Paper 1970: 77-78; see Fang et al. 2008: 47.1323). Fu also composed various literary works: ninety-nine yuèfu, thirty-three shlpoems, fifty-nine rhapsodies, and twenty-two epigraphs. 9 Not only did his political and literary influence ensure him an important position among the Jin literati, it ensured further that his characteristically verisimilar style continued to be well circulated during the Jin Dynasty. Fu Xuan's extant thirty-nine rhapsodies on objects, more than any other poet's writing during Wei-Jin times, serve as an excellent example of the methodology of describing objects verisimilarly.

Fu uses four techniques in his style of composition. The first is the essential one: to choose concrete things and treat them in a tripartite structure with a preface. The second is to depict objects' characteristic parts, colors, sizes, shapes, and sounds from various perspectives. The third is to provide additional background or knowledge, such as relevant information regarding the growing habits of flora. The last is to employ rhetorical devices such as hyperbole, enumeration, and allusion. Only concrete objects can be presented so vividly that the poetic image can be compared with reality, and only tripartite structure allows rhapsodists to centralize objects through static or dynamic descriptions. All of Fu's rhapsodies on objects are about tangible things, and display a strong inclination toward this tripartite structure: more than ninety percent of his rhapsodies are arranged in such a structure.

Each of the three parts has a different function. No matter what the object is, the final part of each rhapsody always praises the object's virtues or merits. The specific approaches of the first two parts, however, differ from poem to poem, depending on whether the rhapsody concerns an animal, a plant, or a man-made object. When the rhapsody is about an animal, Fu Xuan often focuses on the animal's shape and actions. The first part introduces the origin or breed and often describes its form; the second part often describes activities. When the object is a plant, Fu Xuan leans toward botany. For instance, in the first part he describes its origin or components; in the second its growth. When the object is man-made, Fu regularly focuses on its construction and usefulness. In the first part he describe how it was made; in the second how humans use it. In all three cases, though, there is a common conception: the first part discusses its origin and shape; the second explains its purpose. With knowledge of an object's origin, shape, and purpose, we are in a better position to accept the author's praise of it. This tripartite structure focuses on describing and praising an object, not on expressing personal feelings it inspires. There is also a preface explaining the background or purpose of the rhapsody, and descriptive sections that describe the object first statically, then dynamically. Rhapsodies adhering to this structure then characteristically culminate in praise of the object. 10

The content of a preface seldom reappears in the tripartite text of a rhapsody, n but it does establish the theme and provide important information about the object, as Liu Xie states in the chapter "Quan fu tè®" of his Wenxin diaolong:

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).12

They struck, in their preface, the right notes, and concluded with summaries in logical order. In the former, main themes are proposed and fundamental feelings articulated; and in the latter a logical pattern is given, showing its natural flow.

For example, in the preface to the "Shengyu ma fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on Carriage Horses) (Yan 1958: 46.1720), Fu Xuan tells two stories involving carriage horses. One is about Liu Bei and Ma Chao, who succeeded in Jingzhou and Weinan because they chose the horses others disfavored. By telling didactic stories he constructs a theme for this piece: that judging others by appearance is wrong. Likewise, in the preface to the "Pipa fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on the Pipa) (Yan 1958: 45.1716), he relates the story of Wang Xijun (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), who was sent to a distant land to marry the barbarian chief Wusun. He also makes reference to Du Zhi's idea that the pipa was invented by people who had endured many hardships during the long process of constructing the Great Wall. Fu thus makes the instrument symbolize the expression of pain. Finally, in the preface to the "Yunxiang fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on Rue) (Yan 1958: 45.1717), he laments that people discard flowers when they are no longer fragrant.

The second technique Fu Xuan employs to describe objects verisimilarly is to focus on physical descriptions, highlighting their unique features. Let us take gamecocks as an example. In The Brush and the Spur (1989) Robert Joe Cutter observes that Fu Xuan's writing is "the most ambitious poetic description" of cocks in rhapsody, and it can be compared to the plumage described by Delacour in a technical work on ornithology (p. 36). To illustrate the similarity, I quote Fu Xuan's and Delacour's descriptions respectively, both focusing on the bird's colors:

The darksome wings are greenish black and hold radiance, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.),

The whitish tufts are pointed and cast light. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)°

Red and light blue mingle with pale yellow, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.),

Halcyon hues abound and flow into green. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) °

The five colors intersect and form patterns . . . (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). . .

Fu Xuan's "Douji fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on Gamecocks)

Crown and neck feathers long, pointed, fiery red, with ... a dark brown shaft line, the larger ones more golden orange; upper back, greater wing-coverts, and tertiaries glossy blue-green; upper wing-coverts and a band on the middle back rich dark red; lower back maroon-red passing to fiery orange on the rump secondary rufous; primaries blackish brown; tail and its coverts dark metallic green the white base showing; under parts dull black.

Cochin-Chinese Red Jungle Fowl (Callus gallus gallus) (Delacour 1951: 109)

Although the description of bright hues may add beauty to poems, note that, as in this example, he chooses colorful objects rather than artificially imposing colors on some object. Thus it is inaccurate to label the emphasis on color as unreal, as some scholars have. Lu Shengjiang (2002: 181), for instance, labels such colorful descriptions "vermilion flower and scarlet plants" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), claiming that they are not proper, not because they are not beautiful but because they are not real.

Fu pays attention to each part of a given object, such as the parts of a hound in the "Zougou fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on the Hound) (Van 1958: 46.1720-21):

From their feet hang hook-like claws, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

And their mouths hold white teeth. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Their heads resemble prancing hornless dragons, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

And their tails are like rising snakes. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

5 With long necks and broad chests, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

They are wide in front and narrow behind. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Ample foreheads and short ears, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Extensive teeth and wide mouths. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Loose joints and tight sinews, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

10 Leopard-like ears and dragon-like shapes. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

In these twelve lines Fu pictures the dog's claws, teeth, head, tail, foreleg, body contour, forehead, ear, joint, sinew, and feet - twelve parts in all. By portraying its physical shapes and parts, he renders the object vivid to the mind's eye.

In addition to tripartite structure and detailed physical descriptions, he also provides relevant information about objects as a way to represent them verisimilarly. For example, from the "Bi fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on the Brush), readers learn how craftsmen made brushes: by "binding them with white linen, and covering them with fine paints" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Yan 1958: 45.1716). From Fu Xuan's other rhapsodies readers learn that rue sprouts in the middle of spring; mallows from Shu bear fruit in the following year; milfoil grows through spring, summer, and fall; pomegranates form their twigs and leaves in February; and cicadas metamorphose (Yan 1958: 45.1717-18 and 46.1721 respectively). Likewise, his rhapsodies on the plum and the jujube inform readers that there were two famous kinds of plum, "huangjiàn of Heyi, and piâoqïng of Fangling" ,(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) and three kinds of jujubes: a crisp one, a sweet one, and one from the Eastern Sea (Yan 1958:45.1718). Sometimes he does not describe objects part by part, but simply begins talking about them. For example, there is no physical description of milfoil, but a clear description of its growth process over the four seasons (Yan 1958: 45.1717). The description of the willow is another example (Yan 1958: 45.1718-19). Fu highlights two features of the willow, namely, that it grows everywhere and is able to survive after being broken. Thus, the willow represents endurance and generosity.

Rhetorical devices are also used by Fu to describe objects more accurately. He makes frequent use of hyperbole, comparison, and allusion, allowing him to compress more information, images, and ideas into limited poetic space. Let us look at hyperbole first. He writes that "there is a kind of jujube like a melon" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)), describing its unusual size (Yan 1958: 45.1718). When he praises the writing function of the brush, he says "its movements respond to hands and follow hearts; illustriousness splashes like lights and scatters like stars" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Yan 1958: 45.1716).

Comparison is common: setting off objects' features by contrasting them with other objects. For example, Fu describes the taste of the plum as "exceeding [the] honeycomb" (UiEl*^) (Yan 1958: 45.1718). When introducing the fragrance of curcuma, he says that it is "superior to sühé, the extraordinary treasure, how could àigang compare to it?" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)).13 When introducing the hound, he praises the tiger and the eagle first, then claims that the dog combines those two beasts' finest features. Therefore, he says, no other dog could be as great as this one, even the historically famous dogs Jin'ao WU and Hanlu £f U (Yan 1958: 46.1720).

The use of allusion instantly places cultural value on objects, since allusions are often taken from history and related to famous figures. Through a fitting allusion, Fu relates the peach to King Wu, who presided over a peaceful and powerful state, and he relates the pheasant to Duke Zhou to depict a political omen (Yan 1958: 45.1718-19). When praising the melon, he says, "even lishou, sweet and delicious, cannot be compared with the rarity and mightiness of [melons from] the eastern country" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) 14 The reference to "the eastern country" evokes Zhao Ping ^ 1F, the former Duke of Dongling in Qin (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), who once planted sweet melons at the eastern gate of Chang'an after the Qin were defeated (Sima 1998: 53.2017). Later, people began to use Dangling guä (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Döngmen guä jftPI/R, or Zhäo Ping guä -S 1F /U to describe sweet melons, as well as to refer to persons who retire from political life and live in solitude. Through this allusion Fu not only describes the sweetness of the melon, but also praises this unperturbed attitude towards life.

Fu describes objects as they are in life, but what motivated him? What did he want to achieve by describing objects so vividly? His rhapsodies on objects show a relationship between style and knowledge. First, his choice of topics suggests that verisimilitude is related to knowledge or learning by introducing new images. For example, most objects in his rhapsodies are exotic, and his descriptions of them introduce them to people unfamiliar with them. Purple flowers originally grew in modern Sichuan; jujubes are from the Bohai area; grapes are from far western regions; hunting dogs are also from far western countries (Yan 1958: 45.1717-18, and 46.1720, respectively). Based on extant materials, he was the first poet to transform the following eleven objects into poetic images: xihngfêng ffiJIL (weathervane), shukui (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (melon from Shu), (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) PIU (game cock), U ^ (plum), sängshen H U (mulberry), (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (purple flower), and zöugöu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (hound). In addition, unlike an encyclopedia, which focuses on groups or categories, Fu defines individual objects in his rhapsodies. The tripartite structure he employs leaves only enough space for the object to be described, so the object becomes a conduit and a symbol.

This type of writing, both functional and educational, can be traced back to Confucius. Once, commenting on the Shijing, Confucius said that by reading poems 'Ve become largely acquainted with the names of birds, beasts, and plants" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Lunyu, 17.9; Legge 1971: 323). Later, Han rhapsody allowed readers to learn the names of plants and animals. Scholars call these rhapsodies "dictionaries," and consider daß j\M, 'Han grand rhapsody' to be encyclopedias. Hence the decline of grand rhapsody corresponds with the production of encyclopedias in the Northern and Southern Dynasties (Cheng 2001: 194).

Fu was known as a staunch Confucian, so it is not surprising that he practiced Confucian poetics. His philosophical and political Fuzi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) is based on Confucian ideas. 15 He honors Confucian doctrines as a "great Way": "If you . . . revere the Confucius of middle antiquity, you will realize that those who follow the small Way are to be considered shame-worthy" (fà (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Yan 1958: 47.6; Paper 1970: 43). To him Confucian teaching is not just the Way to follow for an individual, but also "the chief aspect of a royal education" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)).16

As a sincere Confucian who valued education, Fu Xuan intended to describe objects verisimilarly for didactic purposes, an important goal of his rhapsodies on objects, though not the only one. His thirty-nine rhapsodies on objects not only established a model for describing things vividly, but also promoted verisimilitude from poetic expression to a vehicle conveying Confucius' moral poetics. As some scholars have pointed out, he was the first writer to practice Confucius' poetics in his compositions. As a result, he initiated a new style for the Western Jin (Luo 2004: 63).

3. ZHANG ZAI AND HAN GRAND RHAPSODY

Between 275 and 278 Zhang Zai ^MUt (ca. 250-ca. 310) composed the "Mengsi Chi fu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond), and presented it to Fu Xuan. 17 According to an anecdote in the biography of Zhang Zai in the 7m shu W*, Fu was so impressed by Zhang's work that he introduced the poet into officialdom (Fang et al. 2008: 55.1518):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Zai also composed "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond." Fu Xuan (217-278), Metropolitan Commandant, saw this piece and sighed, and welcomed Zai with a carriage, chatted with him for one day, and extended his fame. Then he became known.

While the Wei-Jin period is a time known for its "tremendous explosion of literary activity," ] 8 it is also known for "important developments and innovations in poetic genres, and is considered an age dominated by a circle of talented authors who were acutely aware of each other's work" (Cutter 2001: 54). We now analyze the "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond," and discover why Fu favors the pond, as well as what he and Zhang Zai share in skill and style within the genre of rhapsody.

"Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) rime

Admiring the clear limpidity of the ornamental pond, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Digging up layers of soil to conserve water. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Overflowing the unimpeded aqueduct en route to the Qianjin Embankment, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Branching into the rivers Chan and Luo.19 (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Restraining the deep expanse of vast currents, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

And embracing white rushing waters of cool spring. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

At this time, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

From the north, [the pond connects] through the ^ wine-sweet springs, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

From the east, into the Violet Palace. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

On the left, the Nine Markets,20 (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

On the right, Langfeng. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Encircled walls are built around [the pond], (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

12 Wide waves wind within it. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Dark rivers gather sides, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Submerged currents pour forth in streams. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Looking up to receive the Milky River, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Mists and vapors froth forth. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Pelting [the pond] with colorful pebbles, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Prospering it with beautiful trees. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Aquatic animals rear myriad offspring, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

20 Precious fish breed countless young. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Verdant moss covers the bank, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Long twigs decorate the shores. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Green leaves float atop the water's surface, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Dark shadows shelter the banks. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Red lotus glow luxuriantly, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Flourishing corollas turn vermilion with flaming brilliance. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Roaming dragons with frisky wings shoot upward, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Soaring phoenixes gaze down from above. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Pondering rays from the sun, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

30 Observing the glorious radiance. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Therefore, the Son of Heaven (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Mounts the imperial chariot, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

And roams these shores often. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

He opens the Golden Gate, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Leaving the Qianqiu Palace. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

[And] heads for the green pond, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Taking the clear flowing of water as a mirror. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

[He] is shaded under an embroidered umbrella, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

[And] catches a glimpse of the fishermen's harvest. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Fine threads hang, eels and snout sturgeons approach, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Delicious bait drops [into the water] and mud-fish and carp appear. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Companions wander beyond the big pond, (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

His mind is now happy, his troubles forgotten. (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

This fu awed both Zhang Zai's contemporaries and later critics. Liu Xie comments that Zhang Zai achieved "distinction in literary beauty and refinement in style" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

Modern critical reactions to the "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond" include "exquisite parallels and rich vocabulary" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Liao Guodong 1990: 141); "magnificent words; how ornate and resonant it is" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Jiang Jianyun 2003: 36); "it displays Zhang Zai's powerful writing skills" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Xu Gongchi 1999: 417); and "its atmosphere is enormous, and its rhetoric splendid" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Ye 2006: 242). What impresses these scholars is how effectively and persuasively Zhang Zai manages rhapsody and its diction.

But can this rhapsody have made its author famous simply for its linguistic or rhetorical features? I doubt it. It was Fu who discovered the beauty and power of this work, and he was known for valuing intention over form. As a high-ranking and influential official, Fu approached literature in a pragmatic style, as he once announced in the "Lianzhu"(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Yan 1958: 46.9a):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

[One should] not aim to talk about things, but must rely on metaphors to reach one's intentions. Thus worthy men can understand subtlety. This matches the ancient Odes' principles of admonition and stimulation.

He asserts here that literature must be useful and beneficial to society. His writing practice matches his literary philosophy, as Liu Xie notes: "Fu Xuan's writing is filled with exhortations" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)).23 Also, as we have already seen, Fu's rhapsodies on objects also deliver a clear message that literature should be beneficial to education or learning. Considering his Confucian-inspired literary philosophy, it is likely that he appreciated Zhang Zai's "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond" mostly for Zhang's political frame of mind or potentiality. The obvious question, then, is what is the political meaning of this piece? To find an answer, we turn to a structuralist criticism of the work.

In terms of its rhyme scheme, the "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond " has five parts. The first six lines, in the rime yuan Tt, form the first part and provide readers with an overall view of the pond: an artificial pond linked to two rivers west of Luoyang, also functioning as a reservoir, perhaps for supplying water to Luoyang city.

The second part, from lines 7-12, is in the rime dong %r and is about the location of the pond. It is built west of Luoyang, but connected to the palace inside Luoyang. The couplet in lines 9-1 0 reads "On the left, the Nine Markets, / On the right, Langf eng." The Nine Markets are inside the city of Luoyang, while the pond is west of the city, so the markets must be on the east of the pond. The word làngfëng [iflJSL refers to a clear and bright wind from the west. For the figure viewing the pond, at his right is the wind and at his left the markets. Therefore he is facing south. Since the position facing south is traditionally associated only with rulers, the vista must be from the viewpoint of a king rather than the writer. Therefore, this couplet presages the appearance of the Son of Heaven.

The third part, lines 1 3-20 in the rime yú 1&, focuses on the surface of the pond. As water is pouring, mists blow around the pond's surface and make the pond appear like the Milky Way. Colorful pebbles and precious plants surround the pond, and a myriad aquatic animals live in the water. The fourth part, lines 21-30 in the rime shan ill, describes the scene surrounding the pond. Though in the preceding lines there is also one couplet describing the surrounding area from a distance, these lines describe the pond in ever greater proximity: we see moss, twigs, leaves, shadows, and flowers.

The last two couplets in the fourth part prepare the reader for the new subject introduced in the fifth part. Zhang Zai also evokes the legendary images of the dragon and the phoenix. These two auspicious creatures play either in the water or on the bank, implying that the place is both wonderful and peaceful. Since dragons and flying phoenixes are theoretically associated with wise rulers, they also serve as the second foreshadowing of the arrival of the Son of Heaven.

The last part adds essential finishing touches. The image of a ruler appears. Twice foreshadowed, his appearance is not at all unexpected. The ruler leaves his palace, visits the pond, and enjoys his visit by fishing and wandering around. To the ruler the pond represents normal, mundane life as a commoner, so he does not devote it to sacrifice, war, or hunting. After discussing the pond's ambience, the rhapsodist's intentions move further: either he is praising the ruler for promising his people a peaceful time, or he is lamenting the reality that rulers are sometimes unable to put peace and life before war. It is clear that "Mengsi Pond" praises the ruler and suggests that rulers keep the world peaceful and beautiful. Zhang emphasizes this lesson simply by describing a man-made pond as it was in reality.

Liao Guodong (1990: 139) asserts that this is a fanciful work about a place existing nowhere but in the rhapsodist's mind. While the criticism is partially valid, as Zhang did make use of some legendary locations, it misses a key point to understanding the/«. In contrast with earlier writers, Zhang employs and transforms legendary objects to make reference to reality. In addition, he also depicts several real locations, expressing his political feelings through their use.

Mengsi, according to legend, is the place where the sun sets.24 Even though Liao claims that the "pond called Mengsi" was created by Zhang Zai, there are strong indications that it was real. According to the Weishu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Emperor Ming (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (r. 226-239) built a moat west of his palace (Wei Shou 2006: 114.3029). The Taping huanyuji ^C5FA ^IB records a similar account, but explains that this pond was used to link the royal moats. The Emperor called it "Mengsi" because the sun sets in the same direction (Yue 1980: 3.1Ob). The Lidai diwang zhaijing ji (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) claims that during Jin times there was a pond called Mengsi north of the temple (Gu Yanwu 1970: 9.17a). During both the Wei and Jin eras, the pond was a part of the palace.

More evidence appears in lines 7-12 of the (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.). Liao (1990: 141) claims that the images of Zigong and Langfeng symbolized the places where immortals live, and so were full of supernatural colors. Zigong, named after the star Ziwei (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) is known as the palace of the Celestial Emperor, but since the Han palace is said to imitate it, Zigong is also associated with the palace of earthly rulers (Knechtges 1982: 116). In the "Xijing fu" MJH® (Rhapsody on the Western Capital), Zhang Heng 3MiIj (78-139) refers to it as the place of the rulers' palaces (Li Shan 2007: 2.52). Langfeng is a legendary mountain peak located at Mount Kunlun UiSrLJj, but its name also literally means 'clear and bright'.25 These two mythical locations originated as legendary images, but had long been employed poetically to describe real places, particularly for court or palace purposes.

There is other evidence that Zhang Zai was trying to depict a real place rather than one of fantasy. Jiushi ATfr ('Nine Markets'), for instance, refers to the palace markets or the palace. Ban Gu |50 (32-92) and Zhang Heng also make similar references in "Xidu fu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) and "Xijing fu" MJH® respectively (Li Shan 2007: 1.7 and 2.61). Li Shan ^U cites the Han gong que shu ^e P J^t, which says there were nine markets in the Han Palace. The Chuxue (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) also claims that there were several names for market, such as Ninth Market, Fourth Market, and Third Market (Xu Jian et al. 2005: 24.592).

Liquan (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), as it appears in Sima Xiangru's sJUffi^P (179-117 BCE) "Rhapsody on the Superior Forest" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), means 'auspicious water': "Sweetwater springs bubble amongst the cool rooms, free-flowing streams pass through the central courtyard" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Li Shan 2007: 8.368; Knechtges 1987: 91). In Zhang Zai's work it refers to either the River Chan mentioned in line 4 or the Jingu Creek anvils], which runs from northwest to southeast and enters into the River Chan north of the palace.

Besides adapting these four locations from Han grand rhapsody, Zhang also included three additional real places: Qianjin, Jinmen, and Qianqiu. Qianjin ("a thousand gold pieces') was an embankment built during Wei times. In his Xizhengji MítEjüÜ, Dai Yanzhi ÜtjíEál ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 416) records that Cao Zhi once built the Qianjin Embankment to irrigate the east fields.26 It was called qiânjïn because "its irrigating benefits exceeded a thousand gold pieces per day" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)).27 It flooded in 271, five or eight years before the "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond" was composed (Zhao 1970: 16.6b). Jinmen ('golden gate') refers to the Golden Horse Gate anHPI, one of the Han palace gates where scholars waited for proclamations. In this light, it may also refer to the Hanlin Academy.28 Cao Zhi Wtì (192-232) once expressed his intention to serve at court by saying "I wish one day I could serve the court, enter the Golden Gate, set foot on the Jade Steps, become an official with rank" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) ) (Chen Shou 1973: 19.573). Here the Golden Gate, along with the Jade Steps (to the throne), symbolizes the court. Du Fu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (712-770) made the same reference in his "Diao fu hing jinbiao" Jlll(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(Rhapsody on the Eagle): "Nowadays there are more and more businessmen who chance to enter into the Golden Gate and set foot in the Jade Hall" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Chou 1979: 2172). Qianqiu ('thousand autumns') refers to a palace gate in Luoyang. Emperor Wen of Wei Ut (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) built the Lingyun Terrace JEU S at the Xiyou Park M^fBl. This park was inside the Qianqiu Gate (Yang 2008: 48). Li Daoyuan (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (ca. 466 or 472-527) also mentioned that Qianqiu was an ancient palace gate (Zhao 1970: 16.14a).

Mengsi Pond, then, is a place that is both real and functional. The park, however, was not intended as a place for royal pleasure, but as a conservancy for the residents of Luoyang. Qianjin Embankment, as we see above, was built west of the Zhangfen Bridge -fl^JIr to the west of Luoyang city. The name of this bridge should be read zhängfen 'rises and divides', rather than chángfén, because when the Gu River UbK flooded, the bridge could control its flow and divert some water into the Luo River. Therefore, it is more accurate and more fitting for the bridge's name to be understood as "[once the river is] rising, [it will be] diverted [into LUO]" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)).29 According to Yang Xianzhi, the Gu River frequently flooded during the Western Jin period, and the stone bridge was built to control it.30 Mengsi Pond might have also been built to control floods and conserve water.

In addition, according to the Luoyang qielan ji, during the Western Jin Dynasty in the Gold Market next to the Palace, there was a temple called Changqiu Ul^, north of which was Mengsi Pond, which is said to have been full of water in summer but dry in winter (Yang 2008: 44). This information adds to the evidence that Mengsi Pond was primarily a reservoir.

Clearly, the "Rhapsody on Mengsi Pond" is not about a place in the writer's mind, as Han grand rhapsodies often were, but a work which makes use of the fantastic elements of the grand rhapsodies to convey the writer's political frame of mind: depicting a beautiful and peaceful reality to praise the current regime. The reality made up of these real places is linked to the figure of the ruler at the end and serves to demonstrate how well that ruler manages his country.

The focal point of this poem is the journey of the Son of Heaven, a "meaningful representation and symbol" W (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)(Ye 2006: 242). The ruler appears at this beautiful and functional place not to disturb its seemingly pristine beauty, but to promise the world that this is a peaceful and happy time. As Jiang Jian observes (2003: 36):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.),

The beauty of this piece ... is also shown by highlighting the human figure in the charming picture seemingly created by an artist. Even though this figure is the Son of Heaven riding a jade carriage . . . everyone longs for this beautiful environment. Therefore this is not a mediocre eulogy ... it ingeniously displays not only a stability and prosperity but also a peaceful and happy society, a newly built society by the Emperor Wu of Jin [r. 265-29O].

Given this understanding, only if Zhang Zai had been dissatisfied with the society of his day would he have used unreal or surreal representation to criticize it; instead, he describes a real place to give voice to praise.

The verisimilitude in Zhang's works adopts the atmosphere of Han grand rhapsody while avoiding the unreal and fabricated elements of that earlier form. In grand rhapsody, as David Knechtges states, there is no "accurate geographical account" and "none of these place names can be identified with any certainty."31 But in this rhapsody every location points accurately to a real feature of the pond, which helps readers locate the pond and link the place with reality.

Zhang Zai combined Han rhapsody's grand and imposing style with the verisimilar style, and by doing so he was able to glorify the new dynasty in a natural and convincing tone. It was his ability to combine literature and politics in a sophisticated and efficient way that amazed Fu Xuan and others.

4. ZUO SI AND THE SHIJING

The zenith of verisimilitude came with Zuo Si's (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Rhapsody on the Three Capitals). In 303 CE Zuo (ca. 250- ca. 305) completed this monumental work after years of toil. 32 Once published, it caused widespread social turbulence, which is recalled in the literary anecdote "Luòyang zhï gul" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (the price of paper in Luoyang increased [because people wanted to have copies of Zuo' s/w]).33 Before Zuo completed this work, he asked Zhang Zai for information on the Shu capital, one of the three capitals described in rhapsody. 34TMs, however, is not the entire story. After the rhapsody was finished, Zhang added his own annotations, which are preserved in the Wenxuan.35

Zuo Si is one of the most prominent literary figures of the Western Jin era. Liu Xie grouped him with "the men of talent of the Jin" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Fan 1958: 67). Among his extant fifteen poems and three rhapsodies (Lu Qinli 1998: 732-36; Van 1958: 1883-90), the "Rhapsody on the Three Capitals" is the best known. The greater part of his official biography in Jinshu concentrates on this work. Limited by space, we concentrate on examining Zuo's preface, as well as other critics' comments on this work.

Zuo claimed that when he wrote the three rhapsodies, he paid attention to the accuracy of every object he portrayed:

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 36

. . . For the mountains and streams, cities and towns, I consulted maps. Birds and animals, plants and trees I have verified in gazetteers. Each of the popular ballads, songs, and dances is consistent with local custom, and all of the prominent personages are based on old traditions . . . Zuo's attempts to bring reality into literature impressed even his contemporaries. Huangfu Mi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (215-282) wrote a preface to Zuo's rhapsody in which he comments: "as for the creatures and soils that [come] from the specified places, one can examine them according to maps; as for the state's regions and regulations, one can verify them according to historical records" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).37 Wei Quan fôfê (b. 220) praised Zuo's rhapsody for presenting things as they are: "[for] various things and different kinds, [he] presents them [according to] illustrations and books" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).38 Liu Kui (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (fl. ca. 295 CE) even allegedly claimed that Zuo's rhapsody was full of information, and that readers needed to have both solid knowledge and a rigorous attitude to understand it. He said "only one who examines and verifies things can grasp his thoughts, and only one who has profound knowledge can master different customs" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Fang et al. 2008: 92.2376). These comments unilaterally echo Zuo Si's literary philosophy, that is, to value verisimilar description and emphasize the programmatic function of writing.

Interestingly, this once fashionable style was assessed negatively by later critics. In his Suiyuan shihua (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) a poet and critic Yuan Mei (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (1716-1798) insisted that "Luoyang paper became expensive" only because people wanted to use the "Rhapsody on the Three Capitals" as an encyclopedia (Lei 1974: 13-14):

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)

In ancient times, there were no encyclopedias, no gazetteers, and no dictionaries. Therefore the "Sandu fu" and "Liangjing fu" listed many kinds of trees and birds. Writers had to collect many books and investigate customs before they could complete works . . . "Luoyang paper became expensive," because every household needed one copy and used it as encyclopedia or gazetteer. As a result, it took Zuo Si ten or fifteen years to finish it. Today there are encyclopedias and dictionaries; if Zuo Si lived in our time, he would not have composed this kind of rhapsody.

This style has also fallen out of favor with modern scholars. Lu Kanru(1963: 54) has claimed that "the 'Sandu fu' ... can only provide readers some historical and geographical information" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) The same opinion can be found in many books on Jin literature. 39

What Zuo Si and the literary critics of his day valued eventually came to be thought unimportant. But Jin writers considered verisimilitude to be of paramount value. Zuo says explicitly that his verisimilar writing is imitating the Shijing, just as "the former kings gathered songs in order to observe local customs" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (MiULhJSL) (Li Shan 2007: 4.173; Knechtges 1982: 337-39). Indeed, he imitates the Shijing by collecting and compiling information related to the art of ruling, which he surely hoped would help rulers to manage the country better. Huangfu Mi reflects on this idea in his preface to "Rhapsody on the Three Capitals," saying that works should "tie in to kings' doctrines and be inherent in exhortation" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).40

To Zuo verisimilitude is also a solution to the excessive and problematic style of the Han rhapsody. In the preface he criticizes the fabricated elements in the rhapsodies written by Sima Xiangru, Yang Xiong, Ban Gu, and Zhang Heng, saying,

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).41

If we examine the fruits and trees mentioned, we find they do not grow in the soil named; and if we look at the supernatural creatures, we find they do not come from the place specified. In terms of rhetoric, it was easy to produce gaudy ornaments, but as far as meaning is concerned, their works are vacuous and lack veracity.

Han rhapsodists did not describe things as they were, so Zuo took it as his mission to check locations, objects, and customs. Ma Jigao concurs with Zuo' s criticism of the exaggerated style of Han rhapsody: "literature does seek freshness, and if rhapsodists keep exaggerating, soon their works will be boring. So restraining it and making matters and skills fit each other is very necessary" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Ma2005: 87-88).

Zuo's verisimilar writing method was welcomed in his time, because to Jin writers literature was a vehicle for practical and political values, rather than simply aesthetic and pleasurable ones. The verisimilitude in his works helped the rhapsodist adapt the Shijing tradition to rhapsody's composition, to create a useful and practical poetic style.

5. CONCLUSION

By redefining verisimilitude creatively and practicing it with care, our three writers integrated traditional resources and transformed rhapsody from mere entertainment to a genre that was expressive and informative, functional and pragmatic. Fu Xuan brought Confucius' poetics into the rhapsody by emphasizing its didactic function. Zhang Zai revived Han grand rhapsody's elements by emphasizing its epideictic function. Zuo Si brought the Shijing tradition into the rhapsody by emphasizing that it should provide information useful for governing.

The efforts of these poets also blurred the boundaries between sftï-poetry and rhapsody, so that later writers were able to accept and practice verisimilitude in poetic composition. The result is that critics, both ancient and modern, associate verisimilitude mainly with postJin poetry. The efforts of Fu and the others to introduce verisimilitude into poetry cannot, however, be overestimated, because verisimilitude, once belonging exclusively to rhapsody, influenced Chinese poetic composition in the following three aspects: by making the spirit of objects presentable in words, by enriching literary descriptive function, and by displaying a passion for life using language.

Vivid description is the foundation for understanding the spirit. As Zhang Jie 3Ü7Ä (fi. 1124) says,

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).42

Rhapsodists should, on a higher level, grasp the characteristics and spirit of things and, on a lower level, obtain their physical appearances. The two should be complementary.

Here Zhang Jie links an object's appearance to its spirit. He continually comments on Du Fu's rhapsodies on objects by saying that Du Fu often expresses his opinions (dhyán (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) in his poems; but when he describes such things as birds and flowers he focuses on presenting them as they really are (zizi shilu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)). Bi Wanchen even claimed that to Liu Xie the word xíngsi also means shensl ffiitt. 'to be alike in spirit, or be an excellent likeness, or essential likeness'.43 In other words, great xíngsi naturally calls forth shénsì.

Verisimilitude also fills out the descriptive paucity of the Shijing and Chuci (Gong Kechang 1990: 55, 66, 90, and 113). While the Shijing expresses poets' ideas, wishes, and hopes, the Chuci is full of sensation and narration. Later came yuèfu, which is known only for its narrative features. Among the poetic corpora of the early period, only rhapsody possesses a descriptive character. With the full development of rhapsody during the Han, we have three major genres with three different goals: poetry is expressive, rhapsody is descriptive, and yuèfu is narrative. Fu, Zhang, and Zuo attempted to combine the descriptive feature with other traditions from Confucianism, the Shijing, and Han rhapsody. Their efforts established a model so that later writers could employ verisimilitude in all kinds of genres. That model flourished during the Southern Dynasties through shi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 'mountain and river poetry', gongti shi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 'palace poetry', xuanyán shi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 'metaphysical poetry', as well as paintings and other outlets. As Wan Guangzhi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) asserts, other genres learned description from rhapsody to enrich their own literary styles.44

By describing real things verisimilarly, the artist praises life. In his rhapsody on objects Fu Xuan favored useful and practical objects (Wei and Zhao 1996: 311); Zhang Zai wrote of a pond used for conserving water; and Zuo Si described daily life and values. As Hegel observed, it was because of a love for life that the seventeenth-century Dutch genre painters devotedly pictured ordinary things.45 Li Zehou also has stated that "only those who love life, and believe in its values, can truly appreciate the world of reality and will use art to describe, preserve, and perpetuate it" (Li Zehou 1981: 98; Gong Lizeng 1988: 105).

Furthermore, it may be asserted that Fu, Zhang, and Zuo were able to transform rhapsody because of their similar family, educational, and professional backgrounds. One must possess profound knowledge of history, custom, and culture to write in general and to compose rhapsody in particular. Scholars generally recognize this point. In the chapter titled "Bianshi" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) from Guogu lunheng (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Zhang Taiyan (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) alleged (2008: 434) that "when philology died out, there was no rhapsody composition any more" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Ye Fengyu (2006: 247) concurs: "for composing poems, one needs talent and sensation, while for prose and rhapsody, one needs profound knowledge more" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) Fu, Zhang, and Zuo all came from well-educated families that produced multiple famous writers. Fu Xuan, his son Fu Xian (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (239-294), and his nephew Fu Zhi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (245-312) were well-known writers and officials. Zhang Zai and his two brothers Zhang Xie (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (d. 307) and Zhang Kang (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) were called the "Three Zhangs" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) by the critics Zhong Rong and Liu Xie.46 Zuo Si and his sister Zuo Fen (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) were both known for their writing ability. At that time these prestigious clans all valued Confucianism.47 Moreover, they all had clerked as historians. Fu Xuan worked on compiling the History of the Wei; Zhang Zai was a historian for years; and Zuo Si once was asked to give lectures on the History of the Han.48 Educated in the Confucian classics, serving as historians to preserve tradition and customs, working for the newly built Jin court, and immersed in literary developments and activities, Fu, Zhang, and Zuo naturally worked in tandem to promote verisimilitude, and in turn provided writing with descriptive features that extended features of poetry to rhapsody, such as spreading knowledge, glorifying the court, and collecting local customs for political use.

Fu Xuan, Zhang Zai, and Zuo Si not only practiced, but redefined verisimilitude, and bridged the gap between Han rhapsody and Song poetry. More importantly, they attempted to bring tradition back to literary activities as a way of correcting the extremes of preceding writers. Their attempts initiated a literary renaissance.

1. Xingsi or sì xíng (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) means 'to be close to or resemble the appearance or shape or form of natural sceneries or objects'. English "verisimilitude" (from the Latin) can likewise be used of literary effects, such as the presentation of details in writers like Poe (see Holman 1981 : 459), and therefore seems a suitable rendering of xfngsi and will be so used throughout this article. The purpose of medieval Chinese poets' application of xfngsi as a style or a skill was to reach universal truth by depicting tangible objects. Sheldon Lu also used "verisimilitude" for blzhên (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (closing in on the real), xiàoxiàng (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (resembling the image), and chuánshén (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (transmitting the spirit); see Sheldon Lu 1994: 1 1 and 129-50. Some scholars have used other words to translate xfngsi. For example, John Mamey (1976: 108) called xfngsi "sensuous word-pictures." Chang Kang-i Sun (1986: 108) translated it as "descriptive Similitude," a rendering adopted by Charles Egan (2008: 202). And while Liu Hsiang-fei used Romanization throughout her dissertation, she described xfngsi as a type of "formal likeness" to be contrasted with shénsì (essential likeness) (Liu 1988: 12).

2. For further discussion see Chen and Miao 2006: 46-49 and 104; Lin 2006a: 93-95; Zhang and Tao 2006: 66-69; Chen and Qu 2004: 57-61. In her dissertation on xfngsi (1988) Liu Hsiang-fei focuses on poetry, rather than rhapsody. Even though she mentions Zhang Xie, her focus is on post-Jin times, not on Jin itself. These researchers all associate the style mainly with the post-Song era.

3. Shen 2006: 67.1778. Li Shan 2007: 50.2218.

4. For more discussion on the significance of the descriptive feature of Sima's poems, see Sun 2007: 132-33.

5. Fan 1958: 694. Owen 1992: 282.

6. Fan 1958: 67; Shih 1959: 71.

7. Luo 2004: 63. For other, similar discussions, see Wang Lihua 2005: 19-20; Tang 1999: 20; Nie 2007: 71; Xu Gongchi 1999: 259 and 261.

8. Paper 1970: 53. Fang et al. 2008: 47.1317-23. Some information is from Wang Huijie (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), "Fu Xuan shengping jianbiao" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), (1997: 255-60).

9. Based on Lu Qinli 1998 and Yan Kejun (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) 1958.

10. Other scholars also have noticed this structure. Liao Weiqing (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (1997: 539) states that there are three parts: initial encounter, description, and reflection. Liu Hsiang-fei (1988: 17) states that the tripartite structure gives the whole poem coherence.

11. Twenty-eight pieces lack prefaces, perhaps because their prefaces were lost.

12. Fan 1958: 135; Shih 1959: 91-92.

13. Sühé and àigang are names of two perfumes. See Yan 1958: 45.1717.

14. Lishou, also called lftou guä (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), is a kind of melon. Yan 1958: 46.1718.

15. Wang Shen (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) once worked on the Weishu ISlU, as Fu Xuan did, and held the post of Minister of Works (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), a leading position in the literary field. Wang praised Fu Xuan's Fuzi enthusiastically by comparing it to earlier philosophers. He also stated that the Fuzi stresses Confucian teachings. See Yan 1958: 46.5b, and the official biography of Fu Xuan in Paper 1970: 77. Wei Zheng (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (580-643) compiled the Suishu PfIt, Zhoushu M)UF, Liangshu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Chenshu ISA, and Qishu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) , and confirmed the Confucian values of the Fuzi by selecting some chapters from the Fuzi about government and politics for inclusion in his book Qunshu zhiyao l?í íuH. (See Wei Zheng 1985: 10.857-75.) Siku quanshu (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) regarded the Fuzi as a Confucian work, since the Fuzi is cataloged as "Rujia" Mit (Confucian Works) under Zibu 1PfB [Masters]. See Yong et al. 1933: 12.1884. Later, around 1875, while compiling the collection of the Fuzi, Qian Baotang SUSÎt claimed again that the book was primarily about Confucian teachings. See Yan 1958: 47.6; Paper 1970: 43.

16. See Yan 1958: 46.5b and the official biography of Fu Xuan in Paper 1970: 77.

17. hi 275 Fu Xuan was appointed as Metropolitan Commandant before being dismissed from this position in 278. See Lu Kanru 1985: 666.

1 8. David Knechtges (2001 : 202) said this of Han times, but the tradition lasted till the Wei-Jin.

19. Chan and Luo are two rivers passing by Luoyang (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.).

20. Jiushi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) "Nine Markets" refers to markets in the palace.

21. My translation is based on the text in Yan Kejun's Quan Jin wen, 85.1a-b.

22. Liu Xie comments on eight Jin writers in total: Ying Zhen ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Fu Xuan, Zhang Zai, Zhang Xie (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Zhang Kang (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), Zhi Yu WU, and Chenggong Sui (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) see the chapter "Shixu" BtJ? in Fan 1958: 674. For English see Shih 1959: 241.

23. See "Cailue" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in Fan 1958: 701; also Shih 1959: 256.

24. See more in Zhang Heng's "Rhapsody on the Western Metropolis" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in Li Shan 2007: 2.65-66. David Knechtges (1982: 21 1) translates it as "Murky Shore."

25. See comments on Qu Yuan's WM. "Lisao (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in Hong 1972: 49.

26. This book is lost, but this statement was recorded in Taiping huangyuji (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Yue 1980: 3.1Ob).

27. Yang Xuanzhi (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.), once recorded that "there is an embankment called Thousand Gold at the west to Bridge Zhangfen. Considering the irrigation schemes, its daily profit is over a thousand gold. It is therefore so called" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)). See Yang 2008: 201.

28. See comments on Yang Xiong's SsU "Jiechao" IfIU in Li Shan 2007: 45.2006; Beijing 1977: 67; Knechtges 1976: 135 n. 19.

29. See Yang Xuanzhi's explanation and Yang Yong's annotation in Yang 2008: 201 and 205 n. 38.

30. Yang 2008: 201 . "During the Western Jin, the Gu River flowed rapidly, and often flowed into Luoyang City and damaged houses; therefore the Jin built a stone bridge to control the flow. When it flooded, the bridge diverted the flow into the Luo River. Because of this the bridge is called Zhangfen" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)). Zhongcháo 4?? means the Western Jin, which is also called Four Courts HIH, referring to four emperors Wu, Hui, Huai, and Min of Jin AStSS, who reigned for fifty-four years at Luoyang. See Yang 2008: 19 and n. 13.

31. Knechtges 1976: 36. He refers to Hervouet's Un Poète de cour sous les Han: Sseu-ma Siang-jou (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), 260-62.

32. The date of publication is still a matter of controversy. Scholars have proposed different completion dates: 281,290,295, 303, and more. For detailed discussion see Jiang Liangfu 1957: 53-54; Jiang Jianyun 2002: 145-48; Mou 1992: 68-78; Lu Kanru 1963: 803.

33. See the chapter "Wenyuan %M" in Fang et al. 2008: 92.2377.

34. "Zuo visited Editorial Director Zhang Zai and inquired about Min and Qiong" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)), (Fang et al. 2008: 92.2376). The year in which Zuo Si consulted Zhang Zai is somewhat controversial, but Xu Chuanwu i^fillS believes it happened in 283 or 284. See Xu Chuanwu 1998: 314-18.

35. See Fang et al. 2008: 92.2376. The Jinshu says "Zhang Zai provided the '[Fu on] the Wei Capital' with annotations" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Fang et al. 2008: 92.9b). Li Shan did not say which part was annotated by Zhang Zai, butin the preface to the "Sandu Fu" he said "when the 'Sandu Fu' was completed, Zhang Zai provided the '[Fu on] the Wei Capital' with annotations" ((ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.)) (Li Shan 2007: 4.172).

36. Li Shan 2007: 4.172-73; Knechtges 1982: 337-339.

37. Li Shan 2007: 45.2040. Whether Huangfu Mi wrote a preface for him is a subject of controversy. Lu Kanru (1985: 804) doubts it, but some scholars support the authenticity of this preface (see Gu Nong 2005: 45-46).

38. See "Zuo Si 'Sandu fu' lüejie xu" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) in Ke and Zeng 1978: 203.

39. Examples of similar opinions: "from a literary view, this work is still a dispensable one" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Zhongguo 1963: 223); "his purpose in writing, which includes 'consider [their] true nature' and 'being base on fact' . . . actually does no good to literature, on the contrary, they confused this work with other dictionaries and commentaries" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Xu Gongchi 1999: 271); "[he] let a literary work carry too much pragmatic function, therefore blurring the boundary between literary and non-literary works" (ProQuest: ... denotes non-USASCII text omitted.) (Ye2006:215).

40. See Huangfu Mi's preface to the "Sandu fu" in Li Shan 2007: 45.2037.

41. Li Shan 2007: 4.172-73; Knechtges 1982: 337-39.

42. See section 12 of chapter two in Chen Yingluan 2003: 160.

43. Bi 1996: 195-211. Liu Hsiang-fei refers to this as "essential likeness"; see Liu 1988: 12.

44. Wan 1989: 247. Chang Kang-i Sun (1986: 106-8) also argues that the shift from expression to description in poetry was influenced byßt.

45. See Hegel 1920: "The Beauty of Ait or Ideal," chap. III, vol. one, 228-30; "Discussion of the Romantic Types," chap. III, vol. two, 382-86; "Historical Development of Painting," chap. I, vol. 3, 34-337. Li Zehou (1981: 98) also summarized Hegel's observation.

46. See the preface in Cao 1994: 20 and the chapter "Shixu" in Fan 1958: 674.

47. See Ye 2006: 24. hi his book one section (pp. 285-88) focuses on the family background of Jin writers.

48. See their biographies in Jinshu: Fu Xuan, 47.1317; Zhang Zai, 55.1518; Zuo Si, 92.2377.

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Author affiliation:

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