Photography and Egypt/Refracted Visions: Popular Photography and National Modernity in Java






Publication: The Art Bulletin
Author: Batchen, Geoffrey
Date published: December 1, 2011

MARIA GOLIA Photography and Egypt London: Reaktion Books, 2010. 194 pp.; 77 color ills., 44 b/w. $29.95

KAREN STRASSLER Refracted Visions: Popular Photography and National Modernity in Java Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 2010. 400 pp.; 32 color ills., 95 b/w. $24.95

The appearance of books about the photography produced in Egypt and Indonesia - following the recent publication of histories of the photography of Japan, Denmark, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Norway, Great Britain, Australia, India, China, Italy, and die United Stales, to name only a few - suggests that the History of photography is in the process of being transformed beyond recognition.1 Certainly the parameters of this field are now, at last, being stretched to include the entire globe (or so it seems). Soon, very soon, it will be impossible to know the history of photography in its entirety, in the sense that the generation brought up on Beaumont Newhall imagined it was knowable - the history dial could be told in a thousand canonical pictures.2 The question is whether die nature of the field itself - its ambitions, methods of analysis, narrative structures, and objects of interest - is also undergoing radical change. An examination of these two new books invites a meditation on precisely this issue.

If nothing else, the recent wave of national histories of photography might well be regarded as a discursive sign of the tectonic shifts occurring in the world at large. In our post-Cold War era, it seems dial no nation-state can any longer be truly self-respecting until it has its own history of photography. This is surely a strange and contradictory phenomenon: at the very moment when global capitalism, mass migrations, modern transportation systems, and electronic communications have combined to make a nation-state's boundaries entirely permeable, these histories are tenaciously reiterating the notion that a national essence can be identified and described. In this context we can understand such narratives as operating in two, perhaps complementary, ways - as nostalgic for a wholeness that never was and/or as strategically resistant io the threat of global homogenization.

That threat is real enough. National histories of photography inevitably measure themselves against the perceived inadequacies of the existing "world" surveys of the mediimi. Written by American, German, or French scholars, these survey texts have never bothered to address themselves with any rigor to photographic practices outside tlie world's centers. The best of them - the 1994 volume edited by Michel Frizot, which appeared in English translation in 1998 as A .Vi-W History <ij Photography - does not reproduce any images by African photographers, let alone Indonesian or Egyptian ones.3 But it is not jusi the narrow coverage offered by ihis kind of survey thai is now at issue; it is the imperialism reproduced in the historical method of the global survey that is up for debate, the presumption that photography is an international (meaning Euro-American) product, more or less the same wherever it is found, rather than a differentiated field of practices in which both form and meaning can be disconcertingly local. The opening challenge for national histories of photography is therefore to furnish evidence for this localism.

It is certainly not the only challenge they face. As the first accounts in English of the medium's impact on Egypt and Indonesia, the two books under review musi provide· a situated history of the photography of each country without ignoring the rhyzomatic flow of bodies, images, aud ideas dial constitutes die modernity within which this history has occurred. In addition, they must overcome the usual art liistorical prejudice that regards the art of the provinces as HuIc more than a belated, secondhand version of what has already happened in the metropolitan centers. In the words of Joel Smith: "Just as conventions of format make even a remarkable family's photo album look much like ihe Jones's riexl door, the nation-based history lends to tell a generic narrative with strangely familiar landmarks,"'1 The task, again, is to persuade readers from the metropolis uiat photographs ihat look the same to them - that appear to be mere copies of genres already familiar in the M'est - may perhaps mean differetil things, might actually hf different ohjerts, in other places.

It is striking that neither of the authors of these two books - Maria Golia and Karen Strassler - is trained in art history or the history of photography. Golia is an Americanborn writer of fiction and nonfiction who has iived in Cairo for twenty years, having published a history of that city in 2004," Strassler, also an American, is an assistant professor of anthropology at Queens College, the City University of New York. Each speaks the language of the culture she is discussing and has spent time living in that culture. They are positioned, therefore, as both outsiders and native informants. This conflicted identity is embodied in each hook by the decision to write in the first person, turning their illustrated historical commentaries into the equivalent of subjective documentaries. It is an approach dial further distinguishes these books from the world surveys.

Photography and Egypl comes to us as part of an ongoing series overseen by British historians Mark Hawordi-Booih and Peter Hamilton and published in the United Kingdom by Reaktion Books. Very broadly conceived, the Exposures series already includes Photography and Australia, Photography and Spirit, Photography and C.inema, Photography and LilmUure, Photography and Science Photography and Flight, Photography and Africa, Photography and Italy, and Photography and the U.S.A.h Copiously illustrated in color and written in an accessible style (albeit with endnotes), die series amounts to a mulriauthored. multivolume hisiory of photography, with no end in sight. A series that can be assigned as a whole or in parts, it is likely to serve as the new standard "textbook" for the field.

A lot could be made to hang on the "and" thai splits each title in the series. It offers an opportunity for the nation-based books, for example, to investigate that nation as a photographic theme or idea rather than as a stale with fixed boundaries. In rhat spirit. Golia begins her book with an acknowledgment of die many European photographers who worked in Egypt in the 1850s, such as Félix Teynard and Francis Frith. Subsequent chapters, which are arranged more or less chronologically, focus almosi entirely on indigenous Egyptian photographers, tracing the work of important portrait studios, photojournalism, and artists. However, in her final chapter -she also discusses (withoul illustrating) Nan Goldin's photographs from 2003 of her Egyptian lover Jabalowe, suggesting that "Egypt's sensual geographies lurk in the bend of Jabalowe's knee and the hollow of his back." As Golia observes, "he not only embodies Egypt: for Goldin, he probably was Egypt" (p. 156). It is to Golia's credit that she takes the trouble to trace how this sort ofEgyplianicity" has been propagated in photographic form, such that Goldin's images could indeed carry such a powerful connotation, for her and probably for us us well.7

Photography and Egypt presents this connotation as a paradox, summing it up in a story about the transfer of an ancient statue of Ramses II from downtown Cairo to a location behind die Giza pyramids: "Hundreds of thousands of Egyptians lined the streets to watch the pharaoh's stately progress, the glowing LCD screens of dieir mobile phones held aloft in homage to this symbol of greatness and decline, beauty and tyranny, on its long and weaiy way out of town" (p. 162). Not long ago, this sentence could as plausibly have been written about Egypt's most recent pharaonic figure, President Hosni Mubarak. His overthrow in 2011, an ouicome in part generated by the extensive use of so-called social media such as Facebook and Twitter, makes Golia's book a very timely one. Indeed, in her hisiory, Egyptian photography is inextricabie from its political context. As she tells us, by the turn of the twentieth century, photographically illustrated publications were employed by Egyptian nationalists to oppose bolli the monarchy and the country's British occupiers. Members of the Egyptian royal family, in turn, collected photographs and frequently had themselves photographed, sometimes to promote the opening of public works but more often just to broadcast their glamour and celebrity. King Farouk, in particular, engineered a flattering public image for himself as someone simultaneously fun-loving and pious, an image reiterated in the circulation of photographs of his coronation, wedding, and first child. The arrival of World War II saw Farouk grow siout and less photogenic, and his popularity plummeted accordingly.

Farouk's abdication in 1952 was followed by the rule of three autocratic presidents drawn from the military establishment, with each commandeering all public photography for the service of the state and therefore of himself. According to Golia, photographs of the first of these autocrats, Gamal Abdel Nasser, are marked by something she calls "physicality" (p. 118). "Often photographed from behind, with his broad shoulders facing an ecstatic crowd," she explains, "his face was so well-known il didn't have to be in the picture." The efforts of his successor, An war Sadat, to reproduce Nasser's nonchalance before the camera were less successful. A series of color pictures presenting "a day in die life of the president," photographed by Farouk Ibrahim in 1975, showed Sadai shaving in his underwear, among oilier poses. The result, says Golia, "conveyed less intimacy than exhibitionism" (p. 128). In any case, images of Sadat as national icon were at odds with the poverty and conniption experienced by average Egyptians. His assassination in 1981 (killed, along with eleven others, by mutinous soldiers during a parade) saw him replaced by Mubarak, who immediately imposed an emergency law that be never lifted, "ils degenerative effects on society accumulating insidiously to this day" (p. 132). Among these effects, was a lack of public questioning of the state; "this censorship by omission amounted to a compiici!)' for which Egyptians have yet to forgive the press" (p. 132). Not for the first time Golia finds herself speaking for all Egyptians, as if a homogeneous, national voice is indeed possible. Presciendy, her chapter on this aspect of Egyptian photography finishes with die population's increased access to the Internet and mobile-phone cameras, and with it a circumvention of the power of state censorship. The rest, as they say, is history.

A poignant epilogue reflects on tlie difficulty of writing such a history for Egyptian photography, given the paucity of archives or museums devoted to its preservation. Golia traces various failed or partial attempts Lo establish such archives, with the Arab linage Foundation based in Beirut proving to be the most substantial effort so far. It is a reminder of the centrality to Golia's account of her conversations with photographers and their families, the primary source for much of the information she passes on about the operations of professional studios in Egypt. She is able to tell us, as a result, that Sadat appreciated photographers who were able to tighten the color of his skin in their pictures. But she also provides minibiographies for several fascinating Armenian immigrants who ran important studios in Cairo, such as Armand, Ahmed Moussa, Garó, Van Leo, and Alban. According to Golia, "taken together, the work of the studio photographers presents a luminous face OfEg)1Pt, or at least of its cities - urbane, provocative, game - a cultural hybrid that defies categorization" (p. 95). It is certainly hard to know in what category one should place tlie many hand-colored photographs made by Ahmed Moussa of his young daughter Laila. She apparently "adopted a variety of guises for her father's camera: the scrubbed-face girl in braids cuddling a puppy, the pensive student poring over books, dressed as a geisha girl, as Venus, as Faust's Gretchen, and in seductive Bedouin garb" (p. 89). Suffice it to say that another daughter from a second marriage destroyed many of the prints and negatives after her father's death.

Refracted Visions also relies heavily on anecdotal evidence, but it is a far more substantial academic study (in both length and ambition) than Photography and Egyjrt. The book focuses on one particular theme: the relation of vernacular photographic practices to the development of a modern Indonesian state. This allows it to abandon the strictures of both chronology and the survey and to instead investigate six key genres in some depth: amateur photography, studio portraiture, identity photographs, family ritual photography, student photographs of demonstrations, and photographs of charismatic public figures. Working, like Golia, without easy access to public archives, Strassler based her findings on her fieldwork in Yogyakarta, a provincial capital in central Java where she lived between November 1998 and May 2000, drawing on personal relationships and private collections as well as her own keen observations of Indonesian life. This sense of presence is central to her account, reiterated as much in the recurring use of the personal pronoun as in the repeated caption on her illustrations: "photo by the author." It also shapes the character of her narrative, leading to the frequent conflation of the situation in Java with Indonesia as a whole and encouraging a propensity to let a "telling conversation" with one person (as on p. 64) stand in for a national perspective.

Unlike Golia, Strassler reflects at length on her methods and assumptions, acknowledging influences (notably, the work of Christopher Pinney and John Tagg) and directly addressing many of the complications I have already identified with the writing of national histories of photography. For example, she begins her narrative byplacing the word Indonesia in quotation marks, seeking to signify its problematic status as a national entity. Calling it "that troubled collectivity known as 'Indonesia1 " (p. 3), she suggests dial popular photography registers "the ways that 'Indonesia' itself has been posed: as a problem, a proposition, a possibility, and a position from which to occupy thai world" (p. 5). All nationstates are works in progress, but Indonesia is a particularly complex phenomenon, comprising hundreds of ethnic groups, languages, and religions occupying over 1 7,000 islands in a vast archipelago in Southeast Asia. As in Egypt, a struggle for national liberation, in Indonesia's case from a brutal Dutch colonial legacy, soon devolved after World War II into an autocratic system of governance dominated by two commanding figures, Sukarno and Suharto. Again, as in Egypt, a surge of popular discontent led to Suharto's resignation in 1998, after thirtytwo years in power, a moment of national self-reflection that happened to coincide with Strassler's residency.

Tlie title of Strassler's book is also a theoretical claim. Refracted Visums, its author tells us, wants to describe a process in which "everyday encounters with photographs entangle widely shared visions with affectively charged personal narratives and memories" (p. 23). Strassler claims in particular that "photography's political significance lies in the technology's traversal of intimate and public domains" (p. 4). At first glance, this traversal appears to buttress the maintenance of the nation-state. "It is through the reflexive production and circulation of images that 'imagined' social entities like nations become visible and graspable, that they come to seem to exist prior to and independent of those images" (p. 4). However, the same capacity to conjure the state also enables photography to call it into doubt. "A global technology introduced under colonial conditions and tied to transnational flows of people, capital, industry, and media, photography continues to bring people into contact with imaginings and circuits that necessarily transcend and often undermine a strictly national frame" (p. 13). As a consequence, Strassler proposes diat "photographic technology embodies [a] tension between the globalized scope of modernity and the more narrow, territorialized ambitions of nationhood" (p. 13). This tension is further exacerbated by what Strassler calls "refraction," a process whereby the meanings of photographs are redirected and even transformed "as ways of seeing, modes of interpretation, and habits of practice attached LO one photographic genre or representational form refract within another" (p. 26).

Strassler gives several examples of this complex process. A friend asks her to get a framed 8-by-10-inch print made from a negative taken more than forty years before for her deceased husband's identity card - a compulsory possession for Indonesian citizens under Suharto's New Order regime. Strassler describes the resulting image in detail, its style (the subject is not quite square to the camera) and physical properties (there is the remnant of a fingerprint in one corner) as well as its new memorial functions. As she observes, its owner has "refracted and bent to more personal purposes" the identifying aims of the state, transposing this portrait image from "one realm of significance to another" (p. 27). Affectless in form, although never neutral in meaning, the ID card photograph, or pasfoto, as it is called in Indonesia, seems particularly open to this kind of transposition. Strassler spends a whole chapter tracing its role in Indonesian life, with particular emphasis on its use as a personal portrait within family contexts.

She focuses, for example, on the way many ethnic Chinese families in Indonesia began to reuse the fmsfoto in funeral and ancestor worship rituals, initiating a practice that is now widespread anioug Christian and Islamic families as well. "The deracinated and timeless impression of the identity photograph is mobilized in its use as a commemorative image to signify the static, permanent, and radically decontexmalized nature of death" (p, 150). It's a neat rhetorical slide - maybe too neat. Strassler's assumption that death is static and permanent takes a Western, in fact, a secular, view and simply applies it to a very different cultural context. Accounts of the role of photographs in similar mourning and ancestor worsltip rituals in places like Korea suggest the possibility of a more complex understanding of both death and photography. As Jeehey Kirn has written, "Korean funerary photo-portraiture serves neither as a memento mori nor as a signal of absence. Within tlie worship rituals it signals that the past-visible-presence has been transformed into a now-invisible-presence."H In other words, the ritualized photograph becomes a vehicle for the periodic return of the spirit of the ancestor, suspending the departed in the ghostly temporal space of a "will-behere." Could it be, then, that the transposed pasfato can exceed not only its state-assigned function bui also ils Western genealogy as a sign of "thai-has-been"?9

Strassler's book privileges the ethnic Chinese community, and for good reason. Members of this minority have been the primary practitioners of" photography in die postcokmial period, demonstrating their importance to any understanding of Indonesia's national modernity. They have been responsible for many of Java's professional photography studios (running two-thirds of Yogyakarta's studios in 1999) and were early targets of the pasfoto system. They have also been active members of amateur photographic societies in which various artistic visions of Indonesia and its inhabitants have been propagated. The photographs taken under these auspices favored peaceful villagers, pristine tropical nature, and folkloric "traditions," precisely the kinds of images being promulgated by the state as die "authentic" Indonesia. As Strassler points out. die irony is that "the images Chinese Indonesian amateurs produced have ultimately reinforced indigenisi ideologies of national belonging that exclude them from full belonging in the nation" (p. S8). This is an irony that Strassfer is keen to reiterate, as il reinforces a central premise of her book: "In Indonesia, die association of photography with die ethnic Chinese - quintessential Outsiders within1 - further reinforces photography's structural ambivalence as both formative of the nation and dangerously threatening to it" (p. 13).

"Photography's structural ambivalence" is also manifested in the brief but fascinating history Strassler provides of die painted backdrops in professional portrait studios in Java. This history, nicely illustrated throughout, includes Dutch scenes at first, but these gave way in the era of independence to "Indonesian" scenes, which incongruously combine nostalgic riu'al idylls with modem city architecture. To pose in front of such scenes was to offer a complex, even contradictory version of one's identity, allowing Indonesian portrait subjects to present themselves as simultaneously yearning for a past and at one with the trappings of urbanity and affluence. Once again, "in posing for - and with - the camera, people place themselves (and are placed) within the visual landscapes, temporal logics, and affective and ideological structures of Indonesia's national modernity" (p. 5).

This entanglement of present and past also informs Strassler's description of die role indexica.lt ly plays in determining photography's plausibility as a mode of certification. Her chapter about photographs taken by refarmasi (reformation) student protesters presents them as both a document of iheir activities and a residual witness to this particular moment in history. The dual functions of such photographs demonstrate, she says, "a different aspect of photographic indexicality than is usually highlighted in accounts of photography's evidentiary status":

Rather than the indexical connection between the image and its extra-photographic referent, what is foregrounded is the indexical connection the photograph establishes between an original, embodied act of witnessing and future acts of witnessing via the image. The photograph, in this understanding, preserves and transmits the subjective act and moral force oi" seeing. It enables an act of seeing, located in a particular time and place, to be extended and collectivized, (p. 211)

Strassler continues to discover evidence of tliis kind of complication in other aspects of her research, as personified in two stories in particular - that of professional photographer Heri Gunawan and his portraits of his daughter Laura, and that of Noornian, an elderly man determined to resuscitate the reputation and political fortunes of deposed President Sukarno. Named after a character on the American TV show IM(Ie House an lhi> Pmirif, Laura was obsessively photographed by Heri for sixteen years. The poses, backdrops, and props Laura has been asked to adopt as her own (Heri admits these photographs are to real i re his dreams, not hers) are strangely eclectic, even disturbingly so. From a small girl drinking a glass of Fanta to a young woman reading a teen idol magazine lo a fist-clenching irfamtasi student activist, these hypertheatrical portrait images dislocate die muh values that Western viewers, in our determined naïveté, like to associate with the photograph. Noornian is also invested in the truth of photographs, but to a different end. In a wallet-size image he gives to his followers, Moorman is shown sitting in a white, Sukarno-like suit, with a flare of light hovering in the vicinity of his head. No mere accident, this flare is a sign of Noorman's "divine mission to restore Indonesia to itself," with the photograph acting as a "potent object imbued with the auralic power of its original and capable of having effects in die world" (p. 252). Noorman's intervention within Indonesian political Ufe, amounting to a counterhistory illustrated by "authentic copies" of photographs, is too complex to summarize here. More important is the point Strassler wants us to lake away from it: "just as each genre takes its place within a broader visual field made up of multiple intersecting, competing, and contradictory visualities, so photography itself operates within a complex media ecology" (p. 292).

This emphasis on genre is a tactical one, as Strassler tells us in her introduction. She is anxious io "steer between" (p. 19) what she sees as two opposing approaches to photography, one that seeks to define the essence of the medium and the other dial refuses to recognize that photography even is a singular medium. A focus on particular genres, "yielding characteristic blindnesses and visibilities" (p, 18), apparently grants her the ability to negotiaie this binary opposition:

What becomes clear from the analysis of genres is how each form of photographic practice organizes and molds die more or less stable material properties of the technology to different ends. . . . [It] allows QS to keep in view both photography's material and historical coherence as a medium and its profound malleability as it is put into the service of different kinds of projects and social actors. (P- 19)

As Strassler's own discourse demonstrates, however, it is impossible to keep both sides of this opposition in view at the same lime; what her book provides is an understanding of photography so freighted with difference dial it continually collapses such oppositions in on themselves. This collapse becomes explicit when she worries about lhe divide between Euro-American histories (such as her own) and local cultural practices. Once again, she argues il is a divide that a privileging of genre am at least complicate: "photography's genres are emergent forms fed by die confluence of numerous currents, both present and past, near and far" (p. 19). Genres, in other words, allow her to have il bolli ways, such dial inside and outside are no longer easily distinguishable:

All the genres under consideration in this book participate in "visual econo mies" that extend beyond die geographical and temporal limits of "Indonesia." Yet they are also profoundly shaped by concerns and histories specific to die location of Java in the posicolonial period. It is this specificity, as well as the ways they have helped generate popular envisionings of "Indonesia," that make them "Indonesian" genres, (pp. 19-20)

Strassler's often brilliant effort to forge a discourse appropriate to the complexities of her subject points to what is ultimately at stake in all national histories: the demarcation of identity in general. Whereas "world" histories can pretend to have no limits, a national history is forced to invent a boundary for itself, thus making such boundaries visible as an act of invention. Insecure even about their own identity as independent histories, these sorts of books cannot afford to take anything for granted, whedier that be their rationale for inclusion or exclusion, dieir choice of interpretative method, or die selection of their objects of study. As a consequence, the better national histories of photography are always experiments in critical self-consciousness. They tell us not just about die photographs produced within die borders of a particular nation-state but also about the irresolute status - necessary but impossible - of all such borders. This irresolution, in effect posing both nation and photography as questions rather than givens, is perhaps their most provocative and enduring contribution to our discipline.

Notes

Thanks go to Tanya Sheehan for all her assistance with the preparation of this review.

1. These books include Anne Wilkes Tucker et al.. The History of Japanese Photography (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005); Mette Sandbyc, ed., Danxk Fotografi Historie (Copenhagen: Gylctendal, 2004); Terry Bennett, Photography in japan IX53-I912 (North Clarendon, Vt.: Tu tile, 2006); David Eggfeton, Into the Light: A History nf New Zealand Photography (Nelson: Craig Potion, 2006); Flip Bool et al., eds., Dutch KWX: A Critiral History of Photography in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Waanders/ Photography in ihe Netherlands Foundation. 2007); Peter Larsen and Sigrid Lien, Norsk Fatahistorie: Fra Daguerreotypie til digitalisering (Oslo: Del N'orske Samtaget, 2007); Val Williams and Susan Bright, eds., How We Are: Photographing Britain fnim the 1840s to thi- Pmmt. (London: Tate, 2007); Helen Ennis, Photography and Australia (London: Reaktion Books, 2007); Roger Taylor. /JKpressed by Light: British Photographs from. Paper Negatives, 1840-1860 (New Haven: Yale University. Press, 2007); Christopher Pinney, The. Cnming of Photography in India (London; British Library, 2008); Tern- Beimeli, History of Photography in China 1842-1860 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 2009); Maria Antonella Pelizzari, Phatagraphy and Italy (London: Reaktion Books, 2010); Part h a Milter, Rahaab Allana, and Akshaya Tankhu, The Artful Pose: Early Studio Photography in. Mumbai, r. 1855-1940 (Ahmedabad, Gnjarai; Mapin, 2010); Mick Gidley, Phot.graphy and the U.S.A. (London: Reaktion Books, 2010); and Jeffrey W. Cody and Frances Terpak, eds., Bruih and Shutter: Early Photography in China (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2011) .

2. The books issued by Beaumont Newhall between 1937 and 1982 have so dominated the field that for a long time they were commonly thought to represent nothing less than "the" history of photography. See Beaumont Newhall, The History of Photography (New York: Museum of Modern An, 1982); and Allison Bertrand, "Beaumont Newhall's 'Photography 1839-1937': Making History," History of Photography, 21, no. 2 (Summer 1997): 137-46. In 1990 Abigail Solomon-Godeau looked bark to Newhall's books to suggest with some sarcasm that "as far as the official history of photography goes, there are perhaps a thousand exemplary photographs in the world." Solomon-Godeau, "Mandarin Modernism; Photography tintil Now," Art IB Amtrira 78, no. 12 (December 1990): 146.

3. Apart from Newhall's book, these world surveys of photography include Helmut Gernshcim and Austin Gernsheim, The Hatirry of Photography from ihr. Earliest USK of the Cavava Obsrura in the Elevmth Century up to 1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1955); Jean-Claude Lemagny and André Rouillé, eels., A History of Photography: Social anri Cultural Perxpertrves (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Naomi Rosenbluni, A World History of Photography, 3rd ed. (New York: Abbe ville Press, 1997); Michel Frizol, ed., A New History of Photography (Cologne: Konemann, 1998); and Mary Warner Marien, Photography: A Cultural Histiny (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2002).

4. Joel Smith, "Review: TAf History of Japanese Photography" CAA Online Review, September 2003. http://www.caareviews.org/reviews/576 .

5. Maria Golia, Cairo City of Sand (London: Reaktion Books, 2004).

6. The Exposures series of Reaktion Press (London) currently includes Ennis, Photography and Australia (2007); John Harvey. Photography and Spirit (2007); David Company, Photography tinti Cintino. (2008); Francois Brunei, Photography and Literature (2009); Kelley Wilder, Photography and Srietien (2009); Denis Cosgrove, Photography and Flight. (2009); Erin Haney, Photagraphy and Africa (2010): Pelizzari. Photography and Italy (2010); and Gidley, Photography and the U:S.A. (2010). Forthcoming litles include Frederick Bohrer, Photography and Archaeology, Justin Carville. Photography and Ireland; Karen Fraser, Photography and Japan; Christopher Pinney, Photography and Anthropology, and Audrey Linkman, Photography and Death.

7. The reference is to Roland Barthes's Famous reduction of ihc meaning of a French advertisement to a single pungent word: "Ilalianicity." See Roland Barthes, "Rhetoric of the Image" (1964), in Imagp-Music-Text (New York: Hill and Wang, 1977). 32-51.

8. See Jeehey Kim, "Korean Funerary Photo-Portraiture: Vernacular Photographic Practice as Parallax," Photographies 2, no. 1 (2009): 7-20. For a description of a similarly complex temporal relation to phoiograp.hy outside Java, see Patricia Spyer. "In and Out of the Picture: Photography, Ritual, and Modernity in Aru, Indonesia," in Photographies East: The Camera and Its Histories in East rind Southeast Asia, ed. Rosalind C, Morris (Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 2009), 161-82.

9. An association of photographs with a "that-hasbeen" is commonly derived from Roland Barthes. Camera Lucida Reflections im Photography (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981).

Author affiliation:

GEOFTREY BATCHEN is professor of art history at Victoria University of Wellington in New Tf aland [Department of Art History, Victoria University, PO Box 600, Wellington 6140 New Zealand].

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