Carl McIntire and the Fundamentalist Origins of the Christian Right






Publication: Church History
Author: Ruotsila, Markku
Date published: June 1, 2012

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I would like to thank Leo Ribuffo, John Matzko, Molly Worthen, Juha Ahvio and the two anonymous reviewers for their useful comments on drafts of this article.

In the growing body of scholarship on the origins and development of the Christian Right, there remains one central figure whose agency has inexcusably been sidelined. This is the controversial fundamentalist pastor Carl McIntire (1906-2002), a fixture of right-wing Christian broadcasting and publishing in the United States from before the World War II to the early twenty-first century. In addition to being the founder and near life-long leader of the American Council of Christian Churches (ACCC) and the International Council of Christian Churches (ICCC), at various points during his career he controlled also the Bible Presbyterian Church, Faith Theological Seminary, Shelton College and Highlands College, the Christian Beacon Press, the Independent Board of Presbyterian Missions, International Christian Relief, the Twentieth Century Reformation, and the American Christian Action Council.1

In the six decades of his ministry, McIntire played a key and underappreciated role in shaping fundamentalist Christian opinion on all the key public policy issues of the time--from the Christian encounter with international communism to dealing with the New Deal, and from the civil rights movement to the post-1960s contention over "secular humanism" and perceived judicial tyranny, abortion, and gay rights. These were the issues that called the Christian Right into being, yet no matter how centrally involved with each, until the partial exception of Daniel K. Williams's and Darren Dochuk's recent work, his and his organizations' activities have been misrepresented or slighted in the many investigations that track the genesis of the Christian Right.2 There are still no detailed scholarly examinations of his activities available that would be based on any detailed examination of archival sources.

More often than not McIntire continues to be portrayed unidimensionally--as the epitome of the Radical Right's "lunatic fringe," a direct descendant of the racist, antisemitic, and proto-fascist preachers of the 1930s whose ministry was an unending and utterly unconstructive diatribe against Soviet communism and its perceived tools and allies in the churches and in politics. Even in some recent scholarly discussions, he is still characterized with such highly emotive markers as "infamous," "sneaky," "extreme and distasteful," and "objectionable."3 Overall, the image that emerges is of an outsider to the main currents of twentieth century U.S. religious and political history whose importance lies mostly in his having been a "negative model" for the Christian Right over against whom one could be defined.4

In the by-now well-established narrative, the New Christian Right--a "social movement that attempts to mobilize evangelical Protestants and other Christians into conservative political action," as Clyde Wilcox has aptly defined it5 -did not emerge from the efforts of anticommunist, separatist fundamentalists such as Carl McIntire. Recent studies have indeed exposed a long continuity of fundamentalists attempting to mobilize their communities that goes all the way back to the 1930s. Yet we are still told that the specific fruitage of these efforts that is the Christian Right came about only once the right wing of the new evangelical movement had joined forces in the late 1970s with that "postfundamentalist" section of separatist fundamentalism, best represented by Jerry Falwell, that chose to de-emphasize separationism and to seek a broad-based political coalition of believers and non-believers.6 These, we are told, were the people who first perceived and decided to tap into the burgeoning grassroots stirrings of Christian discontent in the 1960s and the 1970s and who then devised the mass mobilization techniques for chaining this discontent that became the core of the New Christian Right.7

The account becomes more nuanced and historically accurate if we add Carl McIntire and his organizations to the cast of characters. It can be argued that McIntire was, in fact, pivotal in fashioning the full repertoire of conservative Christian public advocacy that set the post-1960s Christian Right apart at once from its fundamentalist forerunners, from the continuing witness of the later separatist fundamentalists and from the mainstream of the early Cold War era's new evangelicals. He did this through his public witness and organizing for faith-based anticommunism in circa 1936-1965, during which time he constructed new models for fundamentalist re-engagement with politics and began to apply most of the methods of political pressurizing that came to cohere the Christian Right. For a number of reasons having to do with his doctrine, style, and personality traits, McIntire's could not become the accepted public voice of the Christian Right, but to say this should not be used to deny his crucial transitional and foundational role.

I.

Crafting a New Public Theology

Carl McIntire was, first of all, a crucial transitional figure because of his key role in sustaining and renovating both the Reformed approach to public life of some of the early fundamentalist leaders and the competing dispensationalist approach of others. Of the two, the Reformed voice was largely silenced during the separatist interlude that followed the Scopes Trial of 1925, making its reappearance in the 1940s in the new evangelical sermonizing of Harold John Ockenga, but returning to the self-named fundamentalist community proper only in the 1960s and 1970s. By that time many a dispensationalist, too, was beginning to rethink their lengthy disinterest in politics. Among the most important nationally known disciples of the original fundamentalist movement's leaders who bridged the gap and who continued to fashion theological arguments for political engagement by separatist fundamentalists through much of the period was Carl McIntire.

We should not underestimate the reach of McIntire's public argument. From the moment that he founded his Christian Beacon newspaper in 1936 for the next sixty years or so, he had available to him a wide range of media and organizations that spread his message throughout the fundamentalist community not just in the United States but worldwide. The statistics are clear: the Christian Beacon eventually had up to 150,000 subscribers, the ACCC some 1.2 million members, the ICCC claimed 55 million, and the Bible Presbyterian Church approximately 15,000. Affiliated with the ICCC were twenty-two periodicals distributed in eighty-nine countries. McIntire's radio sermons, on the other hand, could be heard on some 600 stations across the United States.8 As has often been noted, at least the ACCC's official tally of members did not accurately reflect the number of people actively involved in its activities--but it did reflect the numbers to whom its various publications (and therefore McIntire's message) were distributed. Thus, McIntire secured for himself a worldwide fundamentalist audience unparalleled by that of any other like preacher, and he did this earlier and for a longer sustained period than any of his peers.

The message that McIntire disseminated through these media forged a creative synthesis between Reformed and dispensational worldviews that proved appealing among separatist fundamentalists long before the Christian Right came into being. It was pivoted on an over-arching anticollectivism, on a faith-based opposition to most of the uses to which the State had been chained in his moment of history. While such a view of the State made sense in terms of dispensationalism alone, on rare occasions McIntire hinted at his indebtedness to his seminary professor and mentor J. Gresham Machen, as well, a staunch civil and economic libertarian known for his opposition to the New Deal (and even to municipal jaywalking ordinances and street lighting).9 At times, he claimed also to have been influenced by the neo-Calvinist philosopher and onetime Prime Minister of the Netherlands, Abraham Kuyper (in the terminology at least that he used about "spheres of sovereignty," this would seem to have been the case),10 and by the Austrian school economist Friedrich Hayek.11

Whatever the lines of ultimate influence, throughout his life McIntire would employ ostensibly Kuyperian-Machenite libertarian motifs to assess and explain both international communism and the increasingly collectivist modern liberalism that he encountered at home in the United States. It is also clear that from his earliest writings onward McIntire placed such a libertarianism in the context of a broader Reformed urge to conquer all areas of life, politics included, under the lordship of Christ.

Writing in 1946, McIntire held that "the one thing that God has emphasized today before man as perhaps never before is that this is His world. He owns it. . . . The use of it and the order for it, and what man is going to do with it, and how man is going to live upon it, depend not upon what man wants to do or how man would like to handle it, but upon God Himself."12 This Reformed dicta applied to the state, as well, for according to McIntire, "God had ordained the State and the State was responsible to God. . . . He has instructed in His Word that the state should serve the ends of God." Therefore, "if the State will recognize its place under God, it will have the blessing and favor of Almighty God" and otherwise "God's favor will be taken away and there will be disaster and tyranny." In the twentieth century, the West had, according to McIntire, been on the latter, unfortunate trajectory: instead of cleaving to its divinely established proper functions, the state was increasingly becoming "an idol before which men must bow down," nothing less than an usurper of the Holy Ghost in its pretensions as a universal comforter and provider.13

Because of this, McIntire claimed in 1946, "America is in greater danger of losing her freedom today than at any time since the Declaration of Independence. . . . We have just won a war to destroy the idea of an all-powerful State, but we are turning to an all-powerful State . . . to save us, to feed and clothe us, to comfort and pamper us, and to answer our prayers."14 This new development was undermining the fundamentals of the constitutional system crafted by the Founding Fathers, McIntire maintained, and it violated against the broader "divine law" that limited the state to assuring law and order and prohibited the state from ever hindering the operations of non-governmental civic institutions. Especially, according to him, was the state prohibited from interfering in "private enterprise and the capitalistic system" for these were not by-products or "some side line" of God's order but, biblically understood, the "very foundation structure of society itself."15

So utterly concerned was he about the rise of such a new collectivism, then and for the rest of his life, that McIntire demanded that all fundamentalists become politically engaged. As D. G. Hart and John Muether have suggested, in this McIntire clearly was a New School Presbyterian rather than a Machenite Old Schooler.16 He insisted that "Christians need to be active on social and political issues" because "if the Christian does not take such responsibility, the nation is lost." Conversely, he had it that "the Christian people of the land," were they but to mobilize, would "have the voting power" to assure the election of a Congress and a President who would "pass laws as ministers of God" and so "protect our freedom and save our free enterprise system."17 On this basis, he thundered in 1955 how "as Christians we must take an increasingly active part in the political life of our country. Let us join in those movements in our various areas that are vigilant for freedom."18 In 1949, he had the ACCC resolve that fundamentalist churches and parachurch and interdenominational organizations had a "responsibility to state great Biblical principles which apply to all spheres of our social life."19 The ICCC's 1948 constitution, too, enjoined its members "to advocate steadfastly the Christian mode of life in society at large in the hope that we may be able to do something to retard the progress of atheistic and pagan ideologies under any name, of loose morality and of godlessness."20

"We have to watch our step in this matter," McIntire did indeed feel, since the representatives of the Federal Council of Churches had (already in 1946) started to accuse the ACCC of political lobbying that they said was unbecoming of a church body.21 In the early decades of his ministry, McIntire tried therefore to qualify and to obscure his actually quite extensive political involvements with statements about how "politics and religion do not mix" and "the church must not go into politics."22 Sincere in the sense that he was always opposed to churches as institutions involving themselves in political lobbying, these statements did not prevent him simultaneously calling for "action, now" by members of the same churches--including the visiting, writing, telegraphing and telephoning of U.S. Senators and the organizing to deny re-election to those deemed unacceptable.23 "We must have Christian men who go into politics--run for office, and they must have the backing of Christian men," he insisted in his 1946 book Author of Liberty .24 In 1948, the ACCC demanded "action: united, swift, sustained and increasing" and a "speedy uprising of millions of Protestants" in defense of economic freedom and private enterprise; in 1943 the Bible Presbyterian Church stated that fundamentalists needed to "use every legitimate Christian means" to make sure that politicians did not tamper with these freedoms any more.25

In 1946-1955 McIntire published ten books on these issues, always with the same core message.26 These books were derived from pamphlets distributed in the hundreds of thousands by the Christian Beacon Press, pamphlets derived from articles in the Christian Beacon , and articles from his syndicated radio sermons. In addition, there were the ACCC, ICCC and BPC resolutions, press releases, pamphlets and other publications. In short, Carl McIntire saturated the fundamentalist community with his message about economic freedom and private enterprise as crucial issues of faith that demanded political action from believers.27 When, then, the ACCC started (in 1961) to advertise itself openly as the embodied disproof of charges about fundamentalists' "indifference to the social and political life which surrounds them,"28 this long line of argumentation was the context and the background. To fundamentalists who were still unsure, McIntire kept repeating that "there is a responsibility for the churches in this area of Ceasar" because "standards of righteousness which God has given pertain to all, and those who would be the witnesses to the Word have to speak out in all these areas."29

His essentially Reformed urge to political action was not undermined even by the fact that McIntire was a firm dispensationalist premillennarian believer in an any-moment pre-tribulation rapture.30 On the contrary, he found in dispensationalism a further incentive to political engagement, much like those later founding fathers of the New Christian Right who wrote about a "premillennial window" and "pre-tribulation tribulation."31 We do not know exactly when this happened, since in the early decades of his ministry McIntire would not speak to these issues, not wanting to further divide the fundamentalist community over the still-controversial matter that had figured in his break with J. Gresham Machen's denomination.32 From 1940 onward, however, his calls to do battle against the ecumenical movement, the United Nations and the Soviet Union were framed in dispensationalist terms, assigning to each of these three perceived enemies a place in the end-times schema--yet these calls also contained the (clearly non-dispensationalist) supposition of major victories this side of rapture.33 There was a continuity from these calls of the 1940s and 1950s to McIntire's stressing in the 1970s that "we must fight and fight hard for time is short and we must rally the remnants for the Rapture."34 By this time, and to the great dismay of such fellow-dispensationalists as Bob Jones III, McIntire at times even seemed to imply that faith-based political action could turn an apostate nation from its course.35

The impact of this blending of the premillennarian sensibility with Reformed thinking on Christianity's cultural mandate should not be underestimated. In this, he was sketching a way out of the deep internal cleavage between the Reformed and the dispensational premillennarian worldviews that had complicated the original fundamentalist movement's work and significantly contributed to the retrenchment, insularity, and separatism that overtook the movement in the 1920s. New evangelicals such as Harold John Ockenga did similar work among those who were moving away from separatist fundamentalism,36 but among those who remained in the separatist camp, McIntire was much more important. Simply put, he was the most prominent of all the separatist fundamentalist radio preachers between the two world wars and in the early Cold War who engaged in this effort, who did so from a well thought out, theologically and philosophically grounded public theology, and the one who had by far the largest audience.

II.

Pushing Beyond Separatism

Just as importantly, McIntire labored untiringly and from very early on in what was a series of pioneering attempts at breaching the "second-degree separation" doctrine that had kept fundamentalists from cooperating with non-fundamentalist Protestants and non-Christians. This doctrine, a non-negotiable of fundamentalists since the early 1920s, insisted on separating from all non-fundamentalists as well as from those who were doctrinally fundamentalist yet in contact with theological modernists.37 Though always a sworn defender of the doctrine as a matter of theology38 (and despite his notoriety for criticizing Billy Graham for accepting non-fundamentalist sponsorship for evangelistic work39 ), in the actual practices of his organizations McIntire became the first major fundamentalist leader to break with it in political work . His and his allies' acceptance of non-fundamentalist co-workers in Cold War anticommunist campaigns was well known in fundamentalist circles from the mid-1950s and so overt that the ICCC's paper, the Reformation Review , even attempted to craft a theological justification for it within the "second-degree separation" doctrine.40

The anticommunist rallies that McIntire started organize in the 1950s regularly featured non-fundamentalist and non-Christian speakers.41 Throughout the 1950s, he and other ACCC leaders participated in the work of the secular right-wing libertarian group, the Congress of Freedom, and the ACCC's first general-secretary joined the National Association of Manufacturers' commission on religion and public affairs. In 1961 McIntire himself joined the advisory body of the secular Young Americans for Freedom.42 For years in the 1940s and the 1950s, he admitted into ACCC "individual auxiliary membership" hundreds of thousands of Christians who remained in National Council of Churches (NCC) denominations.43 One of the ICCC's constituent members, on the other hand, was the American Council of Christian Laymen (which later merged with the ACCC) despite its leader being a non-separatist, a member of the Congregationalist Church, a onetime National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) member, friend of some of its leaders, and a frequent contributor to United Evangelical Action .44

Most striking of all, it was McIntire the separatist fundamentalist who paved the way--however tentatively and furtively--toward cooperation with conservative Catholics. He did this despite calling Roman Catholicism "a harlot church and the bride of the Antichrist," despite the ICCC having officially warned all Christians against "any kind of co-operation with Roman Catholics," and despite the Christian Beacon occasionally identifying "Communism, Roman Catholicism, and modernism" as the three co-equal enemies of fundamentalist Protestantism.45 Regardless, McIntire maintained that the gulf separating fundamentalists from at least some conservative Catholics was "a small one compared to that indefinitely large chasm which separates the modernists from the fundamentalists."46 While he held that only confusion would ensue if the Catholic Church enlisted in the fight against communism as a church (since according to him, the Vatican denied as many freedoms to Protestants as did the Soviets), he did maintain that individual Catholics could be of great help. On this basis, McIntire was consistent and early in his praise of such Catholic anticommunists as Fred, Phyllis and Eleanor Schlafly, the Sunday School Observer and John T. Flynn--and, at least on one early occasion in 1937, even of the Vatican Congregation for the Propagation of Faith.47

On several occasions, critics within his own Bible Presbyterian Church, in the ACCC and the ICCC took McIntire to task for admitting great numbers of Catholics, including priests, to his anticommunist rallies.48 In the early 1960s, even the Federal Bureau of Investigation came to note such criticisms when Donald Grey Barnhouse, a well-known fundamentalist rival of McIntire's, charged that both the ACCC and the F.B.I. were Catholic-controlled.49 Consistently, McIntire brushed all such criticisms off. He did not even object to the ACCL (while a constituent member of the ICCC) recruiting Catholics, receiving funds from known Catholic benefactors and openly advocating political cooperation between fundamentalists and Catholics.50

The ACCC and its allies worked closely with Senator Joseph McCarthy, too, despite the Senator's Catholic faith. There were those among McIntire's advisers who thought it best for Protestants to concentrate on influencing the House Un-American Activities Committee and to leave McCarthy's Senate committee to the Catholics. But this was not done. While the ACCC never formally endorsed McCarthy, its leaders did visit the Senator's staff on Capitol Hill for mutual consultations and supplied the Senator with information. McIntire himself said privately that he was "very cautious in regard to [McCarthy's] relations with the Vatican" but did, on occasion, praise him in public.51 When censure proceedings against the Senator began, ACCC leaders appeared with Catholics and Jews at an inter-faith public rally to defend him--and an ACCC leader even formally introduced the rabbi who gave the benediction.52

Importantly, McIntire's acceptance of selected anticommunist Catholics was replicated by each of the other major anticommunist preachers who were active in the early Cold War's fundamentalist churches. Each of these three--Billy James Hargis, Fred Schwarz and Edgar C. Bundy--was originally in McIntire's employ and each of them remained in close touch with him throughout their careers (although each would occasionally break with their erstwhile mentor).53 Fred Schwarz was instrumental (while an ICCC member) in the 1958 creation of the Cardinal Mindzenty Foundation, the Schlaflys' Catholic anticommunist organization.54 Bundy consulted closely with Flynn at least from 1950 and received funds from Catholic benefactors.55 While Billy James Hargis had, indeed, written in an anti-Catholic vein early on in his career, by the early 1960s he, too, had concluded that "Catholics and Protestants must unite in a crusade against godless anti-Christ communism."56 In some separatist fundamentalist circles he became notorious in subsequent years for having invited both Fred Schlafly and the Mormon Ezra Taft Benson as guest speakers at his events.57 Controversial at first though it was, by the late 1960s this McIntire inspired and pioneered practice came to be accepted, in anticommunist activities, even by such strict separatists and anti-Catholics as Bob Jones III.58

There were, certainly, limits to relaxing of "second-degree separation" beyond which McIntire just would not go. In his public discourse, pointed anti-Catholicism remained as persistent throughout his career as was his occasional praise of selected individual Catholics. Because of this, during the 1960 presidential election campaign the Democratic National Committee could still accurately (though to furious McIntire protest) label him as one of five "prominent anti-Catholics" in the country.59 Also, in 1980 McIntire engaged Jerry Falwell in bitter debate when the newly established Moral Majority started accepting Catholics, Jews, and non-fundamentalist Protestants as constituent members. This was clearly partly out of personal pique (for McIntire was temperamentally incapable of accepting any challengers to what he saw as his rightful primacy among politically engaged fundamentalist leaders). However, there was a theological factor at work, too, for as ready as he was to work informally with selected Catholics, McIntire could never agree to Catholics joining fundamentalist Protestant organizations or vice versa. It is noteworthy, however, that even as he took Falwell to task on this issue, McIntire nevertheless lavished praise upon the man for his "going into the political arena . . . [,] something that we are constantly encouraging God's people everywhere to do."60

From the mid-1930s to the emergence of the Christian Right, Carl McIntire was not only engaged in disseminating a public theology that creatively merged civic and economic libertarianism with the dispensationalist eschatological sensibility and with the Reformed urge to conquer all areas of life (politics included). He was also exploring and advertising new ways of anticommunist political cooperation with non-fundamentalist conservatives. In so doing he pushed beyond separatism and fashioned new models of public policy activism that others later took up. Moreover, by the time that the Christian Right emerged in the 1970s, significant numbers of fundamentalists had already been practicing, through McIntire's various anticommunist organizations, that which he preached. There was a continuity between this anticommunist activism and the later Christian Right.

III.

Anticommunism as the Conduit

Throughout his career and especially in its first twenty-five years, most of McIntire's political activities centered on anticommunism. Even in the early Cold War--in circa 1945 to 1962--when all manner of Americans competed for credentials as the staunchest of all anticommunists, he was set apart by the intensity, organization, and scope of his effort. It is particularly unfortunate, then, that McIntire's agency remains slighted or misrepresented even in much of recent scholarship that has emphasized the centrality of religious conviction to Cold War anticommunism.

Recent studies have argued that anticommunism was key among the tools with which the fundamentalists negotiated their return to the mainstream of American conversation during the Cold War. However, these renderings of the anticommunist leaven in their re-politicization remain ultimately misleading as long as they pivot on the evangelicals alone.61 It was not the new evangelical agency that was foundational for Cold War faith-based anticommunism of the kind that could even conceivably be seen as a forerunner of, or a training ground for, the later Christian Right; it was Carl McIntire's. While new evangelicals were as important in popularizing anticommunist theologies and in lobbying in Washington, D.C., it was above all Carl McIntire who pioneered the grassroots mass mobilization techniques for the public pressurizing of politicians that the Christian Right would use and the one who chiefly accustomed fundamentalists to these methods.

With the exception of the ACCC's 1948 demand for a pre-emptive nuclear attack on the Soviet Union,62 the actual foreign policy demands of the ACCC and NAE did not in fact differ much from each other during the early Cold War. Both of the organizations were as staunchly anticommunist. Indeed, even such a strident critic of McIntire's as Christianity Today editor L. Nelson Bell said that he agreed with some "ninety-five per cent of his positions" and thought his "attacks on Communism are fully justified."63 But there was a crucial difference: while the NAE preferred top-level attempts at influencing specific politicians and rarely went beyond general proclamations about the dangers of communism, McIntire from the start chained his organizations to a set of pro-active and innovative mass pressurizing efforts. Bell for one regarded these populist methods--McIntire's attempts at generating mass political pressure through demonstrations, rallies and petitions--as "of questionable value" and doubted whether these truly "honor the Lord."64 But it should be clear that crucially important though was the new evangelicals' cerebral, toned-down approach in setting the tone of public discussion and in affecting specific U.S. foreign policy makers, this could hardly inspire to action the masses of fundamentalist laity in the land. The roots of the mass mobilization that was to be the Christian Right cannot be found in these efforts; they are to be found in McIntire's innovations.

In part, McIntire opted for public pressurizing instead of behind-the-scenes persuasion because from early on the doors of the White House were closed to him. At first it had appeared that this might not turn out so, for in 1948 President Harry S Truman corresponded at some length with the ACCC's general-secretary, welcomed ACCC leaders at the White House and, in the main, had only good things to say about their anticommunist agenda. Cooperation ended abruptly a year later, however, when Truman was told that the his public use of profanity put into question "the sincerity of your Christian profession."65 From then on, ACCC delegations were not allowed into the White House either by Truman or by his successors. The State Department under John Foster Dulles instructed all its officials to exercise "extreme caution" whenever they dealt with ACCC representatives because "they may be expected to pervert what is said to them,"66 and the Eisenhower White House tried repeatedly to get from the F.B.I. derogatory information on McIntire that could be used in discrediting his work (they were told that though none existed, McIntire was so "violently anti-Communist" that the Bureau thought it best to limit contact with his organizations).67

Thus, McIntire had to turn to mass mobilization techniques. As early as in July 1946, he arranged one of the first-ever letter-writing campaigns to members of the U.S. Congress by avowed separatist fundamentalists, in this case to make Congress undertake investigations of communist influence in churches.68 In 1951, congressional offices were again flooded with letters and telegrams (and Senators were telephoned and visited) in an effort to defeat President Truman's plan to appoint an ambassador to the Vatican. It was this same issue that led the ACCC to organize the 3,000-strong Washington Protestant Pilgrimage in 1951, the first of the many mass demonstrations for which McIntire became nationally known.69 Two years later the ACCC returned to demanding congressional investigations of churches in a new petition campaign that in only a few months gathered 25,000 signatures.70

Petition drives were usually followed by that staple in McIntire's repertoire of public pressurizing of elected officials, Faith and Freedom Rallies. The first one was organized in 1953 as part of the campaign to get congressional investigations into the churches, additional ones in 1956 in protest against visiting Russian clergymen and in 1959 against Soviet Premier Nikita Khruschev's visit to the United States.71 By far the greatest numbers participated in the October 1970 March for Victory in Washington, D.C. (one of seven such marches that year), where up to 200,000 descended on the U.S. Capitol calling for victory in Vietnam.72 Smaller but somewhat more notorious was the June, 1975, Save America Rally in Chicago where fundamentalist demonstrators burned Soviet and Vietcong flags, and where McIntire himself offered prayers for national repentance over Americans' corporate "sin and guilt" for the "genocide" then taking place in Cambodia and denounced school busings, détente, and "censorship" of fundamentalists.73

In these anticommunist marches and demonstrations that McIntire had been organizing regularly since the 1950s the fundamentalists had a ready, well established model available right in their own midst for the kind of public pressurizing that the Christian Right came eventually to employ. Surely, it is at least as much to this model as to the later civil rights demonstrations--which many historians have claimed the Christian Right emulated74 --that we are to trace the National Pro-Family Rally of 1977, Pat Robertson's "Washington for Jesus March" of 1979, and Jerry Falwell's "America You're Too Young to Die" and "I Love America" tours of 1976 and 1979. Each of the principal organizers of these later rallies by the emerging Christian Right came from the fundamentalist orbit (rather than the new evangelical) and each had their direct or indirect links to McIntire and to the ACCC.

Jerry Falwell was greatly influenced by the eventual embrace of McIntire-style civil disobedience by Francis Schaeffer--who, of course, was McIntire's old student and protégé, the first pastor ordained in the Bible Presbyterian Church and the ACCC's chief European representative in the late 1940s and the early 1950s. He had broken with his mentor in the mid-1950s but McIntire's influence was always clearly evident in his thinking (and all the more so the older he became).75 In the early 1970s just as he was becoming politicized, Falwell had worked directly with McIntire, too, having co-sponsored McIntire's rallies in his hometown of Lynchburg, Virginia.76 Pat Robertson, on the other hand, had a family link to McIntire, his father Senator Willis A. Robertson having worked with the ACCC on anticommunist projects from the early 1950s.77 The Schlaflys were very close to Fred Schwarz (as well as in direct touch with McIntire himself), while Tim LaHaye, with Falwell the other key founder of the Moral Majority, came from Southern California fundamentalist circles where both Billy James Hargis and the ACCC were strong. In 1962, he had organized a key McIntire rally in San Diego.78

But McIntire did not merely demonstrate or petition. As early as in 1955, he had started spearheading an attempt by fundamentalist and secular conservatives at gradually taking control and changing the agenda of the Republican Party. The goal was to remake it into a staunch defender of free enterprise and limited government, as well as a pitiless pursuer of communists and their perceived allies. This systematic effort at remaking and revitalizing the GOP unfolded through the Abraham Lincoln National Republican Club, an organization then led by the McIntire operative Edgar Bundy. "We want to bring the truth to the millions of little people in grass roots who have never been mobilized before," Bundy explained. He envisioned a nationwide network of local organizers, voter educators, and mobilizers who were to gradually light a new "prairie fire."79 Significantly, while this campaign was officially separate from the ACCC, Bundy was not an independent operator when he launched it. That he did McIntire's bidding and prospered or fell at McIntire's pleasure became clear to all in the ACCC when in the middle of the operation it dawned on other ACCC leaders that Bundy had been implicated in a series of homosexual acts. They demanded that McIntire remove the man forthwith, lest the whole operation be compromised, but this McIntire refused to do.80

The Abraham Lincoln National Republican Club operation was very much a mainstream operation inside a mainstream political party. Some representatives of the conspiracist far right (such as the notorious antisemite Elizabeth Dilling) did, in fact, insinuate themselves into some of its meetings, but as soon as they were discovered, they were publicly turned upon and denounced.81 Importantly, through this operation Bundy and McIntire tried to build up precisely that section of the GOP from which in a few year's time would emerge the later Christian Right's principal allies, the Goldwater conservatives and the so-called New Right. Billy Graham's and other new evangelicals' near-simultaneous efforts inside the selfsame party, while initially more successful, ultimately proved less significant because they aimed to strengthen those who in the end lost out and against whom the later Christian Right defined itself--the moderate Eisenhower (and later Nixon) Republicans.82

That Bundy and McIntire turned Elizabeth Dilling away suggests, too, the need to revise past depictions of McIntire as a representative, supporter or in some way a continuator of the far-right antisemitic anticommunism of the notorious 1930s and 1940s preachers Gerald B. Winrod and Gerald L. K. Smith. His anticommunism was not a continuation of theirs. McIntire was certainly anti-Judaic in the sense that he (just as most other fundamentalists and new evangelicals) denied the possibility of Jews being saved, in his insistence that their persecutions would end only once they accepted Christ as their Messiah, and in maintaining that the Holocaust was part of divine punishment or curse upon Jewish disobedience.83 But never did McIntire show the slightest interest in the antisemitic conspiracy theories, tracing communism to a putative Jewish world conspiracy, that had been a staple of the anticommunism of the far-right preachers' and the fundamentalist movement's founding fathers William B. Riley, Arno Gaebelein, and James M. Gray.84 Because of his consistent, persistent, and unequivocal denunciation of these theories McIntire was in fact crucial in showing fundamentalists the way out of the conspiracist antisemitic morass that had for so long plagued their anticommunism.

Of McIntire's close associates, only Verne P. Kaub of the ACCL endorsed the antisemitic preachers' varied conspiracy theories (and stayed personally in touch with Gerald L. K. Smith).85 McIntire, on the other hand, had been a Christian Zionist from the beginning of his career who insisted on Jewish ownership of all biblical lands, and he had consistently denounced and called upon all Christians to combat all forms of antisemitism.86 As early as in 1940 he had publicly endorsed the former Communist Party leader Earl Browder's claim that no more than 2.5 per cent of CPUSA members were Jewish, and in 1945 the ACCC resolved that "we are definitely opposed to anti-Semitism . . . and urge all Christians to avoid alliance with anti-Semitic leaders and endorsement of anti-Semitic ideologies."87 All of this led investigators from the American Jewish Committee to conclude in 1964 that McIntire was not, in fact, an antisemite.88 Gerald L. K. Smith, on the other hand, claimed that "McIntire would be afraid even to say 'hello' to me on the street, or would perhaps be chilled to the bone if he saw me sitting on the same platform with him."89 Smith did call McIntire "a true crusader" who was "doing great work," but at the same time he complained how the man "continues to think that he can appease the Jews by petting them and polishing their apple."90

Conceptual clarity about the multiple meanings of anticommunism, then, is necessary for any account of the politicization of fundamentalists and evangelicals in the Cold war that remains true to the facts. We must recognize that widely different perspectives were accommodated under the generic name "anticommunism" and that even the anticommunism of the Right (of which McIntire, Smith, and the NAE could each be seen as representatives) contained several different persuasions. But there can be no doubt about the centrality that McIntire's witness for militantly fundamentalist, clearly non-antisemitic anticommunism had for the emergence of the Christian Right. It was at least as important as the more elite oriented and mainstream anticommunism of the NAE and Christianity Today .

IV.

Broadening the Agenda

From 1960, the publications of the Christian Beacon Press and the Twentieth Century Reformation Hour show a distinct reorientation, or at least a broadening of the scope of public policy issues that were deemed of essential importance for fundamentalists. Anticommunism continued to frame nearly everything that McIntire published and said on public platforms, but, little by little, the center of gravity in his work started to move onto the broader fields of cultural confrontation that would characterize the future agenda of the New Christian Right. In his use throughout the 1960s of the anticommunist/libertarian frame of reference to legitimize fundamentalist activism on issues of education, abortion, and religious freedom McIntire in fact paved the way for what soon followed.

This broadening of the agenda was not surprising, since from its formation in 1941, even the ACCC had in fact worked in a range of fields additional to its primary anticommunist witness. The organization's very origins were only indirectly related to the threat of communism, for what had prompted McIntire to propose the creation of a new national association of fundamentalist denominations was his desire to wrest from the Federal Communications Commission free air time equal to that which had been provided to the NCC, the Catholic Church and to Jewish groups since 1923.91 In addition to its principal anticommunist work, from the late 1940s the ACCC was deeply engaged also in a protracted effort to block state funding for parochial schools and federal aid to education.92 In the late 1950s, it fought for the ratification of the so-called Bricker Amendment, a legislative measure intended to safeguard U.S. national sovereignty against putative United Nations dictation in domestic affairs.93

Yet it was the civil rights struggle of the 1960s that really pushed McIntire and his band of fundamentalists beyond mere anticommunism. So prominent a supporter did he eventually become of the John Birch Society, the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, and assorted other Southern segregationists that, apart from his strident anticommunism, about the only thing McIntire continues to be remembered for is his reputation as a sanctimonious bigot.94 The facts, however, are not quite as clear-cut as this reputation suggests.

At least in the late 1940s, McIntire did practice racial segregation in his own Collingswood, New Jersey, congregation.95 His colleges, however, accepted black students, the ACCC recruited black members and McIntire himself had black speakers appear on his platforms. From the very start, the ICCC was a racially integrated, multiethnic organization, and eventually it had a sizable African membership.96 It is also true that McIntire and some other ACCC leaders objected to intermarriage between the races, but there were among them those (such as Wm. Harrlee Bordeaux, the long-serving general secretary and a Southerner), too, who feared that they would be "disowned by a great number of Southern people" were their racially progressive views become generally known.97 McIntire himself insisted in his private correspondence with a key European fundamentalist co-worker that "certainly I am not a propagandist against the equality of the negroes."98 Each of the ACCC member bodies were allowed to take their own positions on racial segregation, and in its formal declaration on the issue, the ACCC would only say that the practice was "not a sin in itself" nor "contrary to the specific commands of the Bible."99 Even McIntire's controversial endorsement of the John Birch Society was carefully limited to his "rejoic[ing] in all that the Society is doing to alert the country to the evils of Communism."100 Finally, when addressing in 1975 the ICCC Congress (held in Nairobi, Kenya), McIntire insisted that "there is no racism in the Bible, white or black, brown or yellow, and there can be none for those who truly honor the name of Jesus Christ."101

All this should indicate that something other than mere unadulterated racism was at work when McIntire chose to become a politically active opponent of the civil rights movement. Some of the other ACCC leaders were outright racists and McIntire himself was undeniably guilty by association, fully complicit in massive resistance because of his very public support of the segregationists. Much of his anticommunist rhetoric, too, could easily be placed into the decades-old matrix of representing black Americans as morally inferior and gullible, therefore particularly susceptible to communist incitements to racial revolt.102 Recognizing all this should not, however, lead us to reduce McIntire's or the ACCC's position to racism alone. On the contrary, we should give at least some of the ACCC leaders the benefit of the doubt and take seriously their consistently reiterated claim, first made by both the Christian Beacon and the ACCC in 1948. They truly believed that the civil rights movement was in some way linked to and becoming a tool of foreign communists, its legislative proposals promoters of "class-consciousness" and steps "towards the socializing of America."103

Thus, the ACCC objected to the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision and to the affirmative action programs that followed the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 because these had, as they put it, made a "law-making body" out of the federal judiciary and had fastened the "iron vice" of federally imposed regulation and dictation on the states and on individuals. Whatever the racial prejudices at work, this development was feared, as McIntire put it in 1948, also because it was thought to lay the "groundwork for socialism in the United States." In an "Open Letter to Martin Luther King" in June, 1964, he was just as clear on this point: "in order to bring about the kind of integrated society and schools that you advocate," he told Dr. King, "the principle of individualism upon which our concept of capitalism and a free society is built must be abandoned. Your approach is the road to tyranny, not to freedom."104

It was from this overarching fear of a strengthened federal government that was rooted in a Machenite libertarian interpretation of the U.S. Constitution that the broadening of McIntire's political agenda issued in the mid-1960s. The civil rights movement and the attendant upheavals at the universities and in public morals that followed in its wake may have provided opportunities for racial backlash that some in the ACCC eagerly seized. But they were at the same time catalysts for a renewal and intensification of long on-going effort of McIntire's cohort at securing the limited state that in their Machenite-Kuyperian Reformed tradition was a biblically prescribed precondition for all corporate godly blessings on the United States.

After the election of John F. Kennedy, McIntire became gradually convinced that not only was the ascendant liberal political elite undermining the constitutional system in general, but that it was trying to use the strengthened federal government to silence and destroy fundamentalist churches in particular. This conviction, which was to play such a key role in motivating the New Christian Right, was not prompted by the measures taken against Bob Jones University by the Internal Revenue Service during the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations.105 Rather, these later incidents but confirmed for many fundamentalists what they had been told by McIntire and his associates for the best part of the preceding decade about the anti-faith agendas of the liberal governmental elites then in power.

Already when branded a "prominent anti-Catholic" in 1960 by the Democratic National Committee, McIntire had warned that were Kennedy to win, "even greater injustices may be perpetrated by a Democratic administration against 'hate groups' and religious minorities as defined by that administration."106 When in 1962 the President's Civil Aeronautics Board refused at first to allow the ACCC to charter planes that it needed to travel to that year's ICCC conference in Europe, McIntire thought that his prediction had been borne out. Later that year, the State Department refused to grant formal registration to the ICCC's International Christian Relief food program as a non-governmental relief organization.107 Then the so-called "Fairness Doctrine," enacted by the Federal Communications Commission, prompted a 1970 revoking of McIntire's radio licence.108 In all of these incidents, McIntire saw signs of a liberal agenda of using federal powers to "crack down on Fundamentalist churches" that necessitated from them a much broader political engagement than had been the case previously.109

The ultimate blow came in the summer of 1962 when McIntire began to claim that the Kennedy administration's IRS was now disallowing tax-exempt contributions made to "fundamental, independent, separated churches" on the spurious basis that tax-exemption could be granted only to churches that were members in a "recognized denominational groups," that is, the NCC or the NAE.110 It was not that McIntire was opposed, on principle, to denials of tax-exemption: some eight years earlier he had himself tried to interest Congress in restricting the NCC's tax exemption on account of its political activities.111 What was at issue now was his conviction that the federal government was turning against conservative Protestants in particular.

Once intrusive tax investigations were begun not only into his own radio ministry but into several ACCC-affiliated Independent Fundamental Churches and into the Hargis, Schwarz, and Bundy operations, McIntire called upon fundamentalists to unite behind a campaign that had been launched by the secular group, the National Committee for Economic Freedom, for the passage of a "Liberty Amendment" to the U.S. Constitution. This would have abolished the IRS and federal income taxation altogether. At a series of Freedom Rallies, in pamphlets and through lobbying in the U.S. Congress, McIntire insisted that the IRS had become a clear "threat to religious liberty" and it was time to press for the "outright abolition of this entire octopus which has put its long tentacles about our churches."112

By and by, McIntire came to link the Supreme Court's 1962 Engel v. Vitale decision with the Kennedy and Johnson administrations purported anti-fundamentalist agenda. Initially, the Christian Beacon had been in "full agreement" with the guiding principle behind the decision that secular authorities should not draft and prescribe a prayer for school children.113 However, by 1966 McIntire interpreted Engel as part of a broader, fully "revolutionary" attempt to make the United States into "an atheistic, secular nation." He appeared before the congressional committee when it held hearings on the so-called Dirksen amendment that would have re-allowed school prayer and he not only endorsed the proposal but called on all Christians to pressurize the Congress and the states on its behalf. McIntire also asked for additional legislation to safeguard Bible study circles at public schools and suggested the creation of a network of fundamentalist parochial schools.114

In the matters of public and private morals, too, that eventually became the other core track of the Christian Right, McIntire was among those who showed the way. Some three years before Roe v. Wade , the ACCC was already on the record as "unalterably opposed" to all liberalization in abortion laws because "to do so is to legalize murder."115 Once the Roe decision was announced, McIntire denounced it as "a mammoth sin against God and the people" and stated that a "watershed of iniquity has been crossed" that would have wide-ranging repercussions in all areas of life.116 The same applied to sex education in schools: McIntire was one of the very first fundamentalist leaders to draw attention to the school textbooks produced by the Sex Education Council of the United States (SIECUS) and to start working on preventing their adoption by local school boards. In 1961, he published a comprehensive expose of a guide on sexuality issues by the NCC's United Christian Youth Movement that, in his view, paved the way "to the destruction of our homes and our America."117 Eight years later, he insisted on being called to testify before a New Jersey legislative hearing on SIECUS materials and, in 1974, he entered the field in support of those in Kanawha County, West Virginia, who were organizing a local protest against the use of these materials in local schools.118

Several historians have suggested that the New Christian Right emerged from the local efforts of lay Christian women in places such as Kanawha County.119 If so, it behooves us to recognize that McIntire and his allies Schwarz, Hargis, and Bundy were among the first ones to provide these women with organizational assistance and a national voice.120 For these four men, the fight against SIECUS and, later, the Equal Rights Amendment (in which, too, McIntire took a prominent public role121 ) was a continuation of their older anticommunist fight just as that older fight was an aspect of their broader Reformed witness against an overweening, idolatrous state. Female campaigners in Kanawha County and elsewhere may have had more specific local grievances, but it was not least from McIntire that they, too, borrowed their models of mass demonstration, petition, and spectacle.

V.

The Limits of Militancy

Despite the scale of his efforts, the breadth of his innovations, and the wide appeal of his blending of Reformed and dispensationalist perspectives on current issues, Carl McIntire could never become the recognized leader of the emerging Christian Right. By the mid-1960s at the latest, he had lost much of his reputation because of his very public siding with the most extreme segregationists and Southern white supremacists. Among the new evangelicals he had never had any influence, and to the other two key constituencies of the emerging Christian Right--pentecostals and Catholics--he was beyond the pale because his still-pointed public denunciations of their creeds entirely obscured the limited yet very real political, anticommunist, and libertarian cooperation that he had been willing to undertake with selected conservative Catholics.

McIntire might in fact have been ready to overlook his disagreements even with pentecostals--for in failed merger negotiations between the NAE and the ACCC in 1949 the latter's representatives suggested that the NAE's pentecostal members need not necessarily be ejected from a merged organization if they could in some other way be "controlled."122 But the NAE leaders were unwilling to compromise. They absolutely would not work with McIntire--for as one of their leaders stated in 1951, they were convinced that the ACCC and the ICCC were "under the delusion of Satan."123 It was, above all, McIntire's militant and arrogant style that led to such conclusions and that inexorably turned the new evangelicals against anything he had to say or to offer. Quite apart from being personally offended by his many accusations against them, they saw in this style a major hindrance to the project to which they had dedicated themselves, that of making fundamentalism respectable once again to the intellectual classes. To new evangelicals such as L. Nelson Bell, McIntire was nothing but a "psychopath" who "shoots at a target with a shotgun instead of a rifle, and as a result hits innocent people all around."124

Just as importantly, by the 1970s McIntire no longer had the support even of his until then most loyal fundamentalist allies. By 1976, Bob Jones Jr. had broken with him and started calling him a "spoiled brat who resents anybody else's having a toy that he has."125 Billy James Hargis did it slightly earlier, telling his until-then close ally and erstwhile employer that "you may be relying too much on Carl McIntire and not enough on Jesus Christ."126 Others, such as the ACCC's two largest constituent denominations, the General Association of Regular Baptist Churches and the Independent Fundamental Churches of America, parted ways because of compounded dissatisfaction with McIntire's ever-militant style and dictatorial airs, his increasing "involvement in political issues," and his refusal to deal with Edgar Bundy's alleged homosexuality.127 Already in 1956, McIntire lost control of the Bible Presbyterian Church and then of the ACCC itself, in stages, in 1968-71, in both cases because a large section of the membership revolted against his allegedly dictatorial leadership style.128

These defections were well-nigh inevitable, for McIntire would never agree to compromise with friend or foe. He was convinced from his reading of the Bible that "the Holy Spirit is using the Word of God as a sharp cutting sword." No other kind of conversation was biblically endorsed, he maintained, except that which made "the lines so straight that someone will have to break." "So, when you get the opportunity to speak for Christ," he insisted, "never, never, tone it down; never compromise."129 At the start of his estrangement with the Bob Joneses, he told them how "some men do not get along with me--they compromise; I do not."130 Thus confronted, Jones found himself wondering whether he should ever have prayed for his old friend's recovery from the serious illness which he had recently suffered.131

With relations having come to such a pass with leading fellow-fundamentalists it is surely not surprising why McIntire had little success in his efforts to permanently draw the bulk of the separatist fundamentalists into his orbit of politicized, proto-Christian Right activism. From the mid-1970s, more and more of this core McIntire constituency abandoned him for the Bob Joneses and embraced the stricter view on political separationism that characterized the institutions that they created. The other part gravitated toward the "postfundamentalist" fundamentalists that were starting to gather around Jerry Falwell. Thus it was that McIntire's wont of turning his militancy against fellow-fundamentalists, his pretensions to doctrinal super-authority over and above all other fundamentalists, foreclosed forever the option of ever building a broad political coalition under his leadership of which the bulk of the separatists would have been part.

From the mid-1960s onward, then, McIntire was an isolated figure among the Christian conservatives whose interest in political activism was reemerging, a man ostracized and easily caricatured. To an extent, he caricatured himself by his public spectacles. He could never become the leader of the Christian Right proper, for he was both temperamentally and doctrinally incapable of building a broad faith-based political coalition of fundamentalists, evangelicals, and Catholics under as shared institutional umbrella. This reality should not, however, be used to obscure the central role that he had played, prior to the mid-1960s , in paving the way to the renascence of conservative Christian political activism. Others built on what he pioneered.

VI.

Conclusion

The exclusion of Carl McIntire by the evangelical publicists of the contemporary Christian Right from the roster of their movement's principal founders makes sense. It makes sense on the purely personal grounds of his decades-long attacks on their doctrinal orthodoxy and because, by the time that the New Christian Right had become a major political force, McIntire was already indelibly associated with the extremist, segregationist far right. But for historians, there should be no justification in further perpetuating the old grudges that underlie his exclusion. Nor should there be any reason to keep parlaying the attendant, now-discredited scholarly interpretations of the man and his work that were grounded in the psychopathology thesis that was used for decades to portray all conservative religious people as irrational and dangerous.

Instead, Carl McIntire should be recognized both as a pivotal, transitional, and foundational figure in the transformation of the fundamentalist movement into the contemporary Christian Right. In his public theology as it was developed and disseminated from the mid-to-late 1930s around fundamentalist anticommunism and economic libertarianism, we can find, in embryo, most of the building blocks and doctrinal emphases that the Christian Right itself used to justify its political advocacy from the late 1970s onward. In his pioneering employment from the 1940s onward of the mass demonstration, petition, boycott, and the public spectacle, in his use of Christian radio, his attempts at converting the Republican Party, and in his continual lobbying of governmental officials and the U.S. Congress, it is possible to detect the models of persuasion and pressurizing that the Moral Majority and its successors perfected in the 1980s and later. Far from being a marginal extremist figure (except in his chosen rhetoric), McIntire can and should be seen as an important founding father of the contemporary Christian Right.

1 For succinct introductions to McIntire's career, see

BalmerRandall, "Fundamentalist with Flair," Christianity Today, May 21, 2002, 53-57

;

Twenty Years: The Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1955-1975 (Collingswood, N.J.: The Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975), 2-25

.

2 See

DochukDarren, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt: Plain-Folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of Evangelical Conservatism (New York: W.W. Norton, 2011), 151-52

;

WilliamsDaniel K., God's Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 38-40

. For a rare earlier example, see

FeaJohn, "Carl McIntire: From Fundamentalist Presbyterian to Presbyterian Fundamentalist," American Presbyterians 72 (Winter 1994), 254-68

.

3

LahrAngela M., Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares: The Cold War Origins of Political Evangelicalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 41-43

.

4

ClabaughGary K., Thunder on the Right: The Protestant Fundamentalists (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1974), 164-73, 208-9

;

RibuffoLeo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Depression (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), 259-60

;

JorstadErling, The Politics of Doomsday: Fundamentalists of the Far Right (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), 44-9

;

HimmelsteinJerome L., To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 68, 113

;

HendershotHeather, "God's Angriest Man: Carl McIntire, Cold War Fundamentalism, and Right-Wing Broadcasting," American Quarterly 59 (June 2007)

. Quote taken from Hendershot, "God's Angriest Man," 374.

5

WilcoxClyde and LarsonCarin, Onward Christian Soldiers? The Religious Right in American Politics, 3rd Edition (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 2006), 6

.

6 Separatist fundamentalism is understood here as being composed of the conservative Protestant groups that emphasize, in addition to biblical inerrancy, total separation from theologically modernist churches and from all those who cooperate with such churches. See

BealeDavid O., In Pursuit of Purity: American Fundamentalism Since 1850 (Greenville, S.C.: Unusual, 1986), 1-11

. New evangelicals are defined as those doctrinally fundamentalist Protestants who in the 1940s began to de-emphasize separation, who gave up on militancy in expression, and who sought to re-enter mainstream cultural and intellectual discussion.

MarsdenGeorge M., Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1987), 6-9

.

7 For example, see Williams, God's Own Party , 3-6; Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt , 269-74;

HardingSusan Friend, The Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 10-29, 126-39, 145-50

;

MartinWilliam, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (New York: Broadway, 1996), 191-99

;

FowlerRobert Booth, A New Engagement: Evangelical Political Thought, 1966-1976 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1982), 2-3, 6-14, 62-73

.

8 Fea, "Carl McIntire," 259, 262;

FerrisThomas J., "Christian Beacon," 146, in The Conservative Press in Twentieth-Century America, edited by LoraRonald and LongtonWilliam Henry (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1999)

; Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 82;

GasperLouis, The Fundamentalist Movement 1930-1956 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1981), 34

;

ReichJutta, "Twentieth Century Reformation": Dynamischen Fundamentalismus nach Geschichte und Erscheinung (Marburg/Lahn: N. G. Elwert Verlag, 1969), 119

; press release by the International Council of Christian Churches, September 18, 1985, Carl McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 212, folder "Bundy, Major Edgar (2 of 3)," Special Collections, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey [hereafter PTSEM].

9

McIntireCarl, "J. Gresham Machen--1937-1957," Christian Beacon, January 10, 1957, 1

. For the Machen-McIntire relationship, see

MarsdenGeorge M., "Perspective on the Division of 1937," in Pressing Toward the Mark: Essays Commemorating Fifty Years of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church, edited by DennisonCharles G. and GambleRichard (Philadelphia: Orthodox Presbyterian Church, 1986), 295-328

, and for the civic and economic libertarianism of Machen,

HartD. G., Defending the Faith: J. Gresham Machen and the Crisis of Conservative Protestantism in Modern America (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1994), 139-45

.

10

McIntireCarl, "The Gospel Carl McIntire Preaches," Christian Beacon, March 25, 1965, 3-7

. On Kuyper's influence in the U.S., see

BoltJohn, A Free Church, A Holy Nation: Abraham Kuyper's American Public Theology (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2001)

.

11

McIntireCarl, The Rise of the Tyrant: Controlled Economy vs. Private Enterprise (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1945), 25

.

12

McIntireCarl, Author of Liberty (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946), 69, xiv-xvii

.

13 McIntire, Author of Liberty , 12-17, 42; Carl McIntire, "The State's Responsibility Under God to Maintain Freedom," The Christian Beacon , June 13, 1946, 1-2.

14 McIntire, "The State's Responsibility Under God," 1-2.

15 McIntire, The Rise of the Tyrant , xiii, 12-28, 47-48, 181-87; McIntire, Author of Liberty , 26-27, 38-39. See also

McIntireCarl, Private Enterprise in the Scriptures (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1961), 1

;

McIntireCarl, "A Christian America," Christian Beacon, June 20, 1963, 1, 8

.

16

HartD.G. and MuetherJohn R., Seeking a Better Country: 300 Years of American Presbyterianism (Phillipsburg, N.J.: P&R, 2007), 201

.

17

McIntireCarl, For Such a Time As This (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946), 29

; McIntire, Author of Liberty , 132, 199.

18

McIntireCarl, "Christian Repudiation of Coexistence," Christian Beacon, January 20, 1955, 3

.

19 ACCC executive committee minutes, April 29, 1949, W. O. H. Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Resolutions," J.S. Mack Library, Bob Jones University, Greenville, South Carolina [hereafter BJU].

20 This was reaffirmed in the ICCC's Cape May Declaration of 1973.

Reformation Review 21 (October 1973), 37-38

.

21 Carl McIntire to W. O. H. Garman, October 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

22 Christian Beacon , January 11, 1940, 6; McIntire, For Such a Time As This , 29.

23 Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 1.

24 McIntire, Author of Liberty , 226.

25

GarmanW. O. H., What Is Wrong with the Federal Council? (New York: American Council of Christian Churches, 1948), 23

; Minutes of the sixth General Synod of the Bible Presbyterian Church, October 14-19, 1943, Bible Presbyterian Church Archives, box 123, Presbyterian Church in America Historical Center, St. Louis, Missouri [hereafter PCAHC].

26 The books by McIntire are The Rise of the Tyrant ; The Author of Liberty ; For Such a Time As This ;

Twentieth Century Reformation (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946)

;

Russia's Most Effective Fifth Column in America: A Series of Radio Addresses (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1948)

;

Modern Tower of Babel (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1949)

;

The Truth About the Federal Council of Churches and the Kingdom of God (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1950)

;

Better Than Seven Sons (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1954)

;

"The Wall of Jerusalem Is Also Broken Down" (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1954)

;

Servants of Apostasy (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1955)

.

27 All of this activity was systematically planned and carefully coordinated: McIntire to J. Howard Pew, March 24, 1947, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 257, folder "Pew, J. Howard," PTSEM.

28 ACCC press release, October 27, 1961, Billy James Hargis Papers, box 74, Special Collections, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville [hereafter UARK].

29 McIntire to Bob Jones Jr., May 12, 1974, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

30

McIntireCarl, The Battle of Armageddon (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1967])

; Fea, "Carl McIntire," 257-59; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 31-33.

31 Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell , 239-45.

32 Carl McIntire to J. Oliver Buswell, October 21, 1936, Peter Stam Jr. Papers, box 408, PCAHC.

33 See, by

McIntireCarl, "The Last and Greatest Tribulation," Christian Beacon, July 11, 1940, 3, 5-6

;

"The Embodiment of Miracle and Brutality--The Final Beast," Christian Beacon, July 18, 1940, 3, 5-6

;

"The End of the War and the Method by Which It Is Attained," Christian Beacon, August 1, 1940, 3-6

;

"The Mark of the Beast," Christian Beacon, July 31, 1941, 3, 6

;

"The Mother of Harlots," Christian Beacon, August 7, 1941, 3, 6

; Servants of Apostasy , 214-20, 257-80; Author of Liberty , 187-88, 205-10;

"Communism: Threat to Freedom," Christian Beacon, March 29, 1962, 2

;

The Double Talk of the State Department (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1965), 1-4

. In 1955, there was also a detailed ICCC resolution to this effect: Christian Beacon , September 29, 1955, 4.

34 McIntire to Bob Jones Jr., July 5, 1975, Fundamentalism File, BJU.

35 Bob Jones III to Dean Ohlman, April 21, 1971, Bob Jones University Archives, folder "Correspondence Vietnam War--Lt. W. Calley FR 16," BJU.

36 See

RosellGarth M., The Surprising Work of God: Harold John Ockenga, Billy Graham and the Rebirth of Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2008), 11-13, 25-26

; Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism , 60-80.

37 Beale, In Pursuit of Purity , 6-9;

EricksonM. J., "Separation," in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, edited by ElwellWalter A. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1984), 1002-03

.

38

McIntireCarl, "A Separated Life," Christian Beacon, June 17, 1937, 3

, and

"God's Law of Separation," Christian Beacon, February 13, 1941, 3

; Balmer, "Fundamentalist with Flair," 55-56.

39

McIntireCarl et al., A Ministry of Disobedience: Christian Leaders Analyze the Billy Graham Crusade (Collingswood N.J.: Christian Beacon, nd)

;

McIntireCarl, Billy Graham in Poland (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1966)

.

40 Cf.

BordeauxWilliam Harrlee, "Second Degree Separation: Some Problems," The Reformation Review 2 (April 1955), 164-71

.

41 ACCC press release, nd [1970], Gilbert Stenholm Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU;

ReitsmaCarl J., "I Attended an Anti-Khruschev Rally," Bible Presbyterian Reporter 4 (December 1959), 5

.

42 W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, September 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Verne P. Kaub, April 19, 1954, reel 8, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin [hereafter WHS]; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 68.

43 In 1954, some 440,161 of the ACCC's claimed membership of 1.18 million were 'individual auxiliary members' from NCC denominations. "Statement Released by the American Council of Christian Churches on Statistics as of October 28, 1954," Garman Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

44 Verne P. Kaub to Adwin Williams, February 27, 1950, reel 1; Kaub to R. L. Decker, March 10, 1950, reel 1; Kaub to Henry E. Hedrick, September 30, 1953, reel 7; Kaub to James DeForest Murch, January 4, 1955, reel 11, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

45 Christian Beacon , April 8, 1948, 4; Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 8; Christian Beacon , February 21, 1957, 6; "Resolutions Passed by the ICCC 2nd Plenary Congress, August 22, 1950, in Geneve, Switzerland," American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches Collection, box 466B, PCAHC.

46 Christian Beacon , May 26, 1938, 4.

47 Christian Beacon , October 28, 1937, 7; Christian Beacon , November 18, 1937, 6; McIntire, The Rise of the Tyrant , 241; Christian Beacon , January 19, 1950, 1; Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 8; McIntire,

Towards an Alliance of Communists and Catholics (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1965), 8

; Christian Beacon , February 22, 1973, 1.

48 Reitsma, "I Attended an Anti-Khruschev Rally," 5;

"Plain Speaking," Valiant for the Truth 1 (1964), 3

; ACCC press release "March for Victory--Double Standard!," nd [1970], Stenholm Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

49 FBI Headquarters file 94-HQ-37990, "Correlation Summary," 24 June 1964, 7, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Washington, DC.

50 Verne P. Kaub to Charles Havlichek, October 6, 1954, reel 13; Kaub to Joseph LeSage Tisch, July 18, 1957, reel 20; Kaub to J. L. Bascom, April 1, 1957, reel 19; McIntire to Kaub, March 17, 1962, reel 35, Kaub to McIntire, March 19, 1962, reel 35, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

51 William Harllee Bordeaux to Vern P. Kaub, March 6, 1953 and Kaub to Bordeaux, March 13, 1953, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, reel 6, WHS; Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, February 7, 1955, David Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1955," Regional State Archive, Lund, Sweden [hereafter RSAL]; Fea, "Carl McIntire," 262; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 52-56; Christian Beacon , March 6, 1954, 5.

52 Wm. Harllee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, December 1, 1954, American Council of Christian Laymen Records, WHS.

53 Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 39, 51-57, 69-70, 73-76.

54

CritchlowDonald T., Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman's Crusade (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005), 66-68, 80-83

.

55 Edgar C. Bundy to Verne P. Kaub, January 24, 1950, reel 1 and Verne P. Kaub to Edgar C. Bundy, February 2, 1954, reel 8, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

56 Billy James Hargis to Harvey Springer, July 25, 1961, Hargis Papers, box 67, UARK.

57 Billy James Hargis, The Voice of Ten Million Martyrs Cry Aloud (Granby, Mo.: np, nd), 4-7; Billy James Hargis to Bob Jones Jr., April 16, 1968, Fundamentalism File, folder "Hargis, Billy James," BJU.

58 Bob Jones III to Billy James Hargis, June 24, 1968, Fundamentalism File, folder "Hargis, Billy James," BJU.

59 American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches to the Democratic National Committee, September 21, 1960, John F. Kennedy Pre-Presidential Papers, Religious Issue Files of James Wine, box 1018, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, Boston [hereafter JFKPL].

60 Carl McIntire to Jerry Falwell, August 21, 1980, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

61 McIntire, the ACCC or the ICCC are mentioned only once in

InbodenWilliam, Religion and American Foreign Policy, 1945-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 274

; in

StevensJason, God-Fearing and Free: A Spiritual History of America's Cold War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010), 66

; and in

FoglesongDavid, The American Mission and the "Evil Empire": The Crusade for a "Free Russia" since 1881 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 141

.

KirbyDianne, ed., Religion and the Cold War (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)

ignores all Protestant anticommunists in the United States,

Settje'sDavid E. Faith and War: How Christians Debated the Cold and Vietnam Wars (New York: New York University Press, 2011)

all U.S. fundamentalists, and Lahr's Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares consistently maintains that only the new evangelicals' anticommunism mattered.

62 ACCC press release "Concerning the Present World Crisis Precipitated by Russia," October 31, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Resolutions," BJU.

63 L. Nelson Bell to Mrs. Leo Brady, February 29, 1960; L. Nelson Bell to Claude McIntosh, January 20, 1962, both in L. Nelson Bell Papers, box 35, Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton, Illinois [hereafter BGCA].

64 L. Nelson Bell to Joseph Mitchell, February 3, 1970, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA.

65 Truman-Garman correspondence in the Garman Papers, folder "Truman, Harry S.," BJU. Quote from W. O. H. Garman to Harry S Truman, February 24, 1949.

66 Memorandum by Harry W. Seamans, January 25, 1954, John Foster Dulles Papers, box 192, Rare Books and Special Collections, University of Princeton Library, Princeton, New Jersey.

67 FBI Headquarters file 94-HQ-37990, Memorandum, February 7, 1951, and ibid., July 13, 1954;

SmithGary Scott, Faith and the Presidency: From George Washington to George W. Bush (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 242

.

68 W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, July 27, 1946 and September 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

69 Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 1; Christian Beacon , January 31, 1951, 1; McIntire to Bible Presbyterian Church ministers, November 16, 1951, National Presbyterian Missions Collection, box 496, PCAHC.

70 Christian Beacon , March 19, 1953, 5; Christian Beacon , May 14, 1953, 1.

71 Christian Beacon , January 20, 1955, 1;

McIntireCarl, "How Communism Is Using the Churches," Christian Beacon, December 24, 1953, 8

;

"A Letter from Carl McIntire About the ICCC, June 4, 1956," Garman Papers, folder "Communism--Red Clergy," BJU; Christian Beacon, September 10, 1959, 1

.

72 Twenty Years , 11-15.

73

Save America Rally, Chicago, June 7, 1975 (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975), 5-7, 10-12

.

74

ShiresPreston, Hippies of the Religious Right (Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2007), 148, 175-80, 245-6

;

BivinsJason C., The Fracture of Good Order: Christian Antiliberalism and the Challenge to American Politics (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 25-9, 85-6

;

MarleyJohn, "Riding in the Back of the Bus: The Christian Right's Adoption of the Civil Right Movement's Rhetoric," in The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory, eds. Renee Christine Romano and Leigh Ford (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006), 346-62

.

75

HankinsBarry, Francis Schaeffer and the Shaping of Evangelical America (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2008), 22-26, 44-51, 158, 201-208

; Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell , 129-130.

76 Jerry Falwell to William May, August 29, 1974, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 216, folder "Falwell, Jerry Dr. (1 of 2)," PTSEM.

77 Carl McIntire to David Lawrence, November 13, 1953, Garman Papers, folder

"International Council of Christian Churches," BJU. Robertson also worked with Billy Graham: Steven P. Miller, Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 55

.

78 Critchlow, Phyllis Schlafly , 66-8; Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt , 151-152, 231, 271-273;

McGirrLisa, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), 104-5, 233

; Phyllis Schlafly to McIntire, May 26, 1971, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 193, folder "Phyllis Schlafly."

79 W. O. H. Garman to McIntire, December 10, 1955, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU;

BundyEdgar C., "The Abraham Lincoln National Republican Club and Its Goal," Ashland Daily Press, April 21, 1955

, Hargis Papers, box 33, UARK.

80 Robert T. Ketcham to ACCC executive committee, May 28, 1954, Garman Papers, folder "Bundy, Edgar C.," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, December 10, 1955, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

81 Elizabeth Dilling newsletter "February--1957 Month for Patriots (and Sleep)," nd, Hargis Papers, box 35, UARK.

82 On the Republican party factions and their relation to the New Christian Right's origins, see

CritchlowDonald T., The Conservative Ascendancy: How the GOP Right Made Political History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007)

;

SchoenwaldJonathan M., A Time for Choosing: The Rise of Modern American Conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001)

. For Billy Graham's efforts, see Miller, Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South , 72-88; Williams, God's Own Party , 21-34.

83

McIntireCarl, "Why Should Christians Be Kind to Jews?," Christian Beacon, October 27, 1938, 3-5

;

McIntireCarl, "The Plight of the Jews," Christian Beacon, February 22, 1940, 6

;

McIntireCarl, "The Problem of the Jew," Christian Beacon, July 24, 1941, 3, 6

;

RauschDavid A., Fundamentalist Christians and Anti-Semitism (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1993), chapter 5

.

84 For conspiracist antisemitic themes in the early fundamentalists' public argument, see

CarpenterJoel, Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 40-2, 91-105

;

TrollingerWilliam VanceJr., God's Empire: William Bell Riley and Midwestern Fundamentalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 63-82

.

85 Verne P. Kaub to Willis Carto, November 12, 1957, reel 21; Kaub to Billy James Hargis, January 24, 1961, reel 32; Kaub to Gerald L.K. Smith, November 30, 1955, reel 14, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

86 Christian Beacon , April 23, 1936, 4; McIntire, "Why Should Christians Be Kind to Jews?," 3-5; Christian Beacon , March 10, 1949, 4; Christian News , March 21, 1988, 1.

87 Christian Beacon , March 14, 1940, 8; Christian Beacon , May 10, 1945, 1.

88 Edward G. Stern to Louis Kariel, February 25, 1964, American Jewish Committee Anti-Semitic and Extremist Collection, box 194, folder Rev. Carl McIntire, American Jewish Committee Archives, New York.

89 Gerald L. K. Smith to Verne P. Kaub, November 23, 1955, reel 14, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

90

SmithGerald L. K., "God Bless McIntire," Cross and the Flag, February 1960, 13

;

SmithGerald L. K., "Editorial Briefs," Cross and the Flag, July 1966, 6

.

91 Christian Beacon , January 4, 1940, 1; Christian Beacon , April 11, 1940, 4;

McIntireCarl, The American Council of Churches: Its Purpose and Testimony (np, nd [1941]), 11-13

.

92 Wm. Harllee Bordeaux to ACCC executive committee members, April 7, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Conferences," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Harry S Truman, March 16, 1950, Garman Papers, folder

"Truman, Harry S," BJU; Christian Beacon, January 26, 1961, 8

.

93

McIntireCarl, Servants of Apostasy (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1955), 198

; News from the American Council of Christian Churches (October 25, 1956), np;

McIntireCarl, "Presbyterian Exaltation of United Nations Organization," Christian Beacon, April 18, 1957, 5, 8

.

94 For these connections, see Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 107-114, 170-175;

CrespinoJoseph, In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007), 164-66

.

95 Carl McIntire to Thomas Cross, October 4, 1948, National Presbyterian Missions Collection, box 496, file 68, PCAHC;

McIntireCarl, "Witch Hunting and the Origin of the So-Called Civil Rights Program," Christian Beacon, June 24, 1948, 2

.

96 Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30, 1957, Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 93, 94n26; Reich, "Twentieth Century Reformation," 115, 126-35, 144.

97 Robert T. Ketcham to McIntire, April 11, 1952, and McIntire to Ketcham, April 21, 1952, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 254, folder "Ketcham, Dr Robert T. 1950-1952," PTSEM; Wm. Harrlee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, March 2, 1955, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, reel 11, WHS.

98 Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30 and September 4, 1957, Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL.

99 Arthur G. Slaght to Verne P. Kaub, July 3, 1952, ACCL Papers, reel 4, WHS; Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30, 1957, Hedegård Papers, AII a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL; Christian Beacon , May 8, 1958, 5; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 94.

100

McIntire Teaches Sunday School Lesson (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1967), 3

.

101 Carl McIntire's address at the ICCC World Congress, July 16, 1975, Archer G. Weniger Papers, folder "International Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

102 See

KornweibelTheodoreJr., "Seeing Red": Federal Campaigns Against Black Militancy, 1919-1925 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998)

;

WoodsJeff, Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-Communism in the South, 1948-1968 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004)

.

103 "Resolution on Civil Rights" adopted at the ACCC convention in Atlanta, May 6-9, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Conferences," BJU.

104

Christian Beacon, November 18, 1948, 4

; William Harllee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, March 2, 1955, reel 11, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS;

The Ten Commandments and Civil Rights (Collingswood N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1963]), 1-2

;

McIntireCarl, "An Open Letter to Martin Luther King," Christian Beacon, June 11, 1964, 3, 7-8

.

105

BalmerRandall, Thy Kingdom Come: How the Religious Right Distorts the Faith and Threatens America (New York: Basic, 2006), 13-17

, is highly misleading.

106 American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches to the Democratic National Committee, September 21, 1960, Kennedy Pre-Presidential Papers, Religious Issue Files of James Wine, box 1018, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," JFKPL.

107 Christian Beacon , November 9, 1961, 3; Christian Beacon , February 1, 1962, 1; Christian Beacon , May 10, 1962, 3, 6.

108 See Hendershot, "God's Angriest Man," 375-84, 392-93.

109

McIntireCarl, "Kennedy Administration Cracks Down on Fundamental Churches," Christian Beacon, July 19, 1962, 1 (quote)

;

Religious Persecution and Discrimination by the Democratic Party (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd), 1-7

.

110 McIntire, "Kennedy Administration Cracks Down," 1.

111 Carl McIntire to Verne P. Kaub, May 6, 1954, reel 9; Kaub to McIntire, May 12, 1954, reel 9, both in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

112 Christian Beacon , July 26, 1962, 1, 8; Christian Beacon , November 8, 1962, 8;

McIntireCarl, "Harrassment of Churches by Federal Income Tax," Christian Beacon, November 8, 1962, 3

;

McIntireCarl, For Religious Reasons: Abolish the Income Tax (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd)

.

113 Christian Beacon , July 5, 1962, 1, 8.

114 Christian Beacon , July 5, 1962, 1;

McIntireCarl, Freedom to Pray (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1966), 1, 4, 8

.

115 ACCC press release, March 12, 1970, Weniger Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

116 Christian Beacon , February 1, 1973, 1, 8.

117

Official Publication of National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. Endorses Youth's Revolt Against Christian Sex Standards (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1961]), 2, 4

. For an earlier example, see

GarmanW. O. H., What Is Wrong with the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. (New York: American Council of Christian Churches, 1957), 20-21

.

118 McIntire to W.T. Hiering, August 7, 1969, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 28, folder

"McIntire Correspondence Mostly from 1960s + Early 1970s," PTSEM; Sex Education Report (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1969)

;

In Public Schools: Undermining the Morals of Minors (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1974)

.

119 Martin, With God On Our Side , 102-16; Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 23-40;

BrownRuth Murray, "For a Christian America": A History of the Religious Right (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus, 2002), 15-17, 29-45, 50-68

.

120 This fact was pointed out more than thirty years ago in the otherwise tendentious Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 23-64, but since then largely ignored. An exception is

LichtmanAllan J., White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008), 314

.

121 McIntire to Phyllis Schlafly, June 16 and July 24, 1978, box 184, folder "Schlafly, Phyllis," McIntire Manuscript Collection, PTSEM;

ERA: Equal Rights Amendment, Why Christians Should Oppose It (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975)

; Christian Beacon , February 22, 1973, 1.

122 W. O. H. Garman to Stephen W. Paine, January 31, 1949, Garman Papers, folder "International Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

123

"Dr. Wright Says A.C.C.C. Men Deluded by Satan," The Baptist Bulletin (January 1951)

, Garman Papers, folder "National Association of Evangelicals," BJU.

124 L. Nelson Bell to Robert E. Craig, June 19, 1962, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA; L. Nelson Bell to Harrison Roy Anderson, December 21, 1966, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA.

125 Bob Jones Jr. to James A. Pond, March 18, 1976, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

126 Billy James Hargis to McIntire, October 2, 1967, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

127 Carl McIntire to Robert T. Ketcham, November 23, 1968, and Robert T. Ketcham to Bob Jones Jr., February 3, 1969, both in Fundamentalism File, folder "American Council of Christian Churches--McIntire Controversy," BJU; William Ashbrook to Ed Haver, May 11, 1965, Stenholm Papers, folder "Bundy, Edgar C.," BJU.

128 Fea, "Carl McIntire," 264-5; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 43.

129 McIntire, "The Wall of Jerusalem Also Is Broken Down," 10, 54, 117.

130 McIntire to Bob Jones III, November 26, 1971, Fundamentalism File, folder "American Council of Christian Churches--McIntire Controversy," BJU.

131 Bob Jones Jr. to Carl McIntire, May 24, 1980, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

1 For succinct introductions to McIntire's career, see

BalmerRandall, "Fundamentalist with Flair," Christianity Today, May 21, 2002, 53-57

;

Twenty Years: The Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1955-1975 (Collingswood, N.J.: The Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975), 2-25

.

2 See

DochukDarren, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt: Plain-Folk Religion, Grassroots Politics, and the Rise of Evangelical Conservatism (New York: W.W. Norton, 2011), 151-52

;

WilliamsDaniel K., God's Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 38-40

. For a rare earlier example, see

FeaJohn, "Carl McIntire: From Fundamentalist Presbyterian to Presbyterian Fundamentalist," American Presbyterians 72 (Winter 1994), 254-68

.

3

LahrAngela M., Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares: The Cold War Origins of Political Evangelicalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 41-43

.

4

ClabaughGary K., Thunder on the Right: The Protestant Fundamentalists (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1974), 164-73, 208-9

;

RibuffoLeo, The Old Christian Right: The Protestant Far Right from the Depression (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), 259-60

;

JorstadErling, The Politics of Doomsday: Fundamentalists of the Far Right (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), 44-9

;

HimmelsteinJerome L., To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 68, 113

;

HendershotHeather, "God's Angriest Man: Carl McIntire, Cold War Fundamentalism, and Right-Wing Broadcasting," American Quarterly 59 (June 2007)

. Quote taken from Hendershot, "God's Angriest Man," 374.

5

WilcoxClyde and LarsonCarin, Onward Christian Soldiers? The Religious Right in American Politics, 3rd Edition (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 2006), 6

.

6 Separatist fundamentalism is understood here as being composed of the conservative Protestant groups that emphasize, in addition to biblical inerrancy, total separation from theologically modernist churches and from all those who cooperate with such churches. See

BealeDavid O., In Pursuit of Purity: American Fundamentalism Since 1850 (Greenville, S.C.: Unusual, 1986), 1-11

. New evangelicals are defined as those doctrinally fundamentalist Protestants who in the 1940s began to de-emphasize separation, who gave up on militancy in expression, and who sought to re-enter mainstream cultural and intellectual discussion.

MarsdenGeorge M., Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1987), 6-9

.

7 For example, see Williams, God's Own Party , 3-6; Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt , 269-74;

HardingSusan Friend, The Book of Jerry Falwell: Fundamentalist Language and Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 10-29, 126-39, 145-50

;

MartinWilliam, With God on Our Side: The Rise of the Religious Right in America (New York: Broadway, 1996), 191-99

;

FowlerRobert Booth, A New Engagement: Evangelical Political Thought, 1966-1976 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1982), 2-3, 6-14, 62-73

.

8 Fea, "Carl McIntire," 259, 262;

FerrisThomas J., "Christian Beacon," 146, in The Conservative Press in Twentieth-Century America, edited by LoraRonald and LongtonWilliam Henry (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1999)

; Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 82;

GasperLouis, The Fundamentalist Movement 1930-1956 (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1981), 34

;

ReichJutta, "Twentieth Century Reformation": Dynamischen Fundamentalismus nach Geschichte und Erscheinung (Marburg/Lahn: N. G. Elwert Verlag, 1969), 119

; press release by the International Council of Christian Churches, September 18, 1985, Carl McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 212, folder "Bundy, Major Edgar (2 of 3)," Special Collections, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, New Jersey [hereafter PTSEM].

9

McIntireCarl, "J. Gresham Machen--1937-1957," Christian Beacon, January 10, 1957, 1

. For the Machen-McIntire relationship, see

MarsdenGeorge M., "Perspective on the Division of 1937," in Pressing Toward the Mark: Essays Commemorating Fifty Years of the Orthodox Presbyterian Church, edited by DennisonCharles G. and GambleRichard (Philadelphia: Orthodox Presbyterian Church, 1986), 295-328

, and for the civic and economic libertarianism of Machen,

HartD. G., Defending the Faith: J. Gresham Machen and the Crisis of Conservative Protestantism in Modern America (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1994), 139-45

.

10

McIntireCarl, "The Gospel Carl McIntire Preaches," Christian Beacon, March 25, 1965, 3-7

. On Kuyper's influence in the U.S., see

BoltJohn, A Free Church, A Holy Nation: Abraham Kuyper's American Public Theology (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2001)

.

11

McIntireCarl, The Rise of the Tyrant: Controlled Economy vs. Private Enterprise (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1945), 25

.

12

McIntireCarl, Author of Liberty (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946), 69, xiv-xvii

.

13 McIntire, Author of Liberty , 12-17, 42; Carl McIntire, "The State's Responsibility Under God to Maintain Freedom," The Christian Beacon , June 13, 1946, 1-2.

14 McIntire, "The State's Responsibility Under God," 1-2.

15 McIntire, The Rise of the Tyrant , xiii, 12-28, 47-48, 181-87; McIntire, Author of Liberty , 26-27, 38-39. See also

McIntireCarl, Private Enterprise in the Scriptures (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1961), 1

;

McIntireCarl, "A Christian America," Christian Beacon, June 20, 1963, 1, 8

.

16

HartD.G. and MuetherJohn R., Seeking a Better Country: 300 Years of American Presbyterianism (Phillipsburg, N.J.: P&R, 2007), 201

.

17

McIntireCarl, For Such a Time As This (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946), 29

; McIntire, Author of Liberty , 132, 199.

18

McIntireCarl, "Christian Repudiation of Coexistence," Christian Beacon, January 20, 1955, 3

.

19 ACCC executive committee minutes, April 29, 1949, W. O. H. Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Resolutions," J.S. Mack Library, Bob Jones University, Greenville, South Carolina [hereafter BJU].

20 This was reaffirmed in the ICCC's Cape May Declaration of 1973.

Reformation Review 21 (October 1973), 37-38

.

21 Carl McIntire to W. O. H. Garman, October 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

22 Christian Beacon , January 11, 1940, 6; McIntire, For Such a Time As This , 29.

23 Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 1.

24 McIntire, Author of Liberty , 226.

25

GarmanW. O. H., What Is Wrong with the Federal Council? (New York: American Council of Christian Churches, 1948), 23

; Minutes of the sixth General Synod of the Bible Presbyterian Church, October 14-19, 1943, Bible Presbyterian Church Archives, box 123, Presbyterian Church in America Historical Center, St. Louis, Missouri [hereafter PCAHC].

26 The books by McIntire are The Rise of the Tyrant ; The Author of Liberty ; For Such a Time As This ;

Twentieth Century Reformation (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1946)

;

Russia's Most Effective Fifth Column in America: A Series of Radio Addresses (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1948)

;

Modern Tower of Babel (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1949)

;

The Truth About the Federal Council of Churches and the Kingdom of God (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1950)

;

Better Than Seven Sons (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1954)

;

"The Wall of Jerusalem Is Also Broken Down" (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1954)

;

Servants of Apostasy (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1955)

.

27 All of this activity was systematically planned and carefully coordinated: McIntire to J. Howard Pew, March 24, 1947, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 257, folder "Pew, J. Howard," PTSEM.

28 ACCC press release, October 27, 1961, Billy James Hargis Papers, box 74, Special Collections, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville [hereafter UARK].

29 McIntire to Bob Jones Jr., May 12, 1974, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

30

McIntireCarl, The Battle of Armageddon (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1967])

; Fea, "Carl McIntire," 257-59; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 31-33.

31 Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell , 239-45.

32 Carl McIntire to J. Oliver Buswell, October 21, 1936, Peter Stam Jr. Papers, box 408, PCAHC.

33 See, by

McIntireCarl, "The Last and Greatest Tribulation," Christian Beacon, July 11, 1940, 3, 5-6

;

"The Embodiment of Miracle and Brutality--The Final Beast," Christian Beacon, July 18, 1940, 3, 5-6

;

"The End of the War and the Method by Which It Is Attained," Christian Beacon, August 1, 1940, 3-6

;

"The Mark of the Beast," Christian Beacon, July 31, 1941, 3, 6

;

"The Mother of Harlots," Christian Beacon, August 7, 1941, 3, 6

; Servants of Apostasy , 214-20, 257-80; Author of Liberty , 187-88, 205-10;

"Communism: Threat to Freedom," Christian Beacon, March 29, 1962, 2

;

The Double Talk of the State Department (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1965), 1-4

. In 1955, there was also a detailed ICCC resolution to this effect: Christian Beacon , September 29, 1955, 4.

34 McIntire to Bob Jones Jr., July 5, 1975, Fundamentalism File, BJU.

35 Bob Jones III to Dean Ohlman, April 21, 1971, Bob Jones University Archives, folder "Correspondence Vietnam War--Lt. W. Calley FR 16," BJU.

36 See

RosellGarth M., The Surprising Work of God: Harold John Ockenga, Billy Graham and the Rebirth of Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2008), 11-13, 25-26

; Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism , 60-80.

37 Beale, In Pursuit of Purity , 6-9;

EricksonM. J., "Separation," in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, edited by ElwellWalter A. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1984), 1002-03

.

38

McIntireCarl, "A Separated Life," Christian Beacon, June 17, 1937, 3

, and

"God's Law of Separation," Christian Beacon, February 13, 1941, 3

; Balmer, "Fundamentalist with Flair," 55-56.

39

McIntireCarl et al., A Ministry of Disobedience: Christian Leaders Analyze the Billy Graham Crusade (Collingswood N.J.: Christian Beacon, nd)

;

McIntireCarl, Billy Graham in Poland (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1966)

.

40 Cf.

BordeauxWilliam Harrlee, "Second Degree Separation: Some Problems," The Reformation Review 2 (April 1955), 164-71

.

41 ACCC press release, nd [1970], Gilbert Stenholm Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU;

ReitsmaCarl J., "I Attended an Anti-Khruschev Rally," Bible Presbyterian Reporter 4 (December 1959), 5

.

42 W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, September 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Verne P. Kaub, April 19, 1954, reel 8, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin [hereafter WHS]; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 68.

43 In 1954, some 440,161 of the ACCC's claimed membership of 1.18 million were 'individual auxiliary members' from NCC denominations. "Statement Released by the American Council of Christian Churches on Statistics as of October 28, 1954," Garman Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

44 Verne P. Kaub to Adwin Williams, February 27, 1950, reel 1; Kaub to R. L. Decker, March 10, 1950, reel 1; Kaub to Henry E. Hedrick, September 30, 1953, reel 7; Kaub to James DeForest Murch, January 4, 1955, reel 11, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

45 Christian Beacon , April 8, 1948, 4; Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 8; Christian Beacon , February 21, 1957, 6; "Resolutions Passed by the ICCC 2nd Plenary Congress, August 22, 1950, in Geneve, Switzerland," American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches Collection, box 466B, PCAHC.

46 Christian Beacon , May 26, 1938, 4.

47 Christian Beacon , October 28, 1937, 7; Christian Beacon , November 18, 1937, 6; McIntire, The Rise of the Tyrant , 241; Christian Beacon , January 19, 1950, 1; Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 8; McIntire,

Towards an Alliance of Communists and Catholics (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1965), 8

; Christian Beacon , February 22, 1973, 1.

48 Reitsma, "I Attended an Anti-Khruschev Rally," 5;

"Plain Speaking," Valiant for the Truth 1 (1964), 3

; ACCC press release "March for Victory--Double Standard!," nd [1970], Stenholm Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

49 FBI Headquarters file 94-HQ-37990, "Correlation Summary," 24 June 1964, 7, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Washington, DC.

50 Verne P. Kaub to Charles Havlichek, October 6, 1954, reel 13; Kaub to Joseph LeSage Tisch, July 18, 1957, reel 20; Kaub to J. L. Bascom, April 1, 1957, reel 19; McIntire to Kaub, March 17, 1962, reel 35, Kaub to McIntire, March 19, 1962, reel 35, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

51 William Harllee Bordeaux to Vern P. Kaub, March 6, 1953 and Kaub to Bordeaux, March 13, 1953, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, reel 6, WHS; Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, February 7, 1955, David Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1955," Regional State Archive, Lund, Sweden [hereafter RSAL]; Fea, "Carl McIntire," 262; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 52-56; Christian Beacon , March 6, 1954, 5.

52 Wm. Harllee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, December 1, 1954, American Council of Christian Laymen Records, WHS.

53 Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 39, 51-57, 69-70, 73-76.

54

CritchlowDonald T., Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman's Crusade (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005), 66-68, 80-83

.

55 Edgar C. Bundy to Verne P. Kaub, January 24, 1950, reel 1 and Verne P. Kaub to Edgar C. Bundy, February 2, 1954, reel 8, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

56 Billy James Hargis to Harvey Springer, July 25, 1961, Hargis Papers, box 67, UARK.

57 Billy James Hargis, The Voice of Ten Million Martyrs Cry Aloud (Granby, Mo.: np, nd), 4-7; Billy James Hargis to Bob Jones Jr., April 16, 1968, Fundamentalism File, folder "Hargis, Billy James," BJU.

58 Bob Jones III to Billy James Hargis, June 24, 1968, Fundamentalism File, folder "Hargis, Billy James," BJU.

59 American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches to the Democratic National Committee, September 21, 1960, John F. Kennedy Pre-Presidential Papers, Religious Issue Files of James Wine, box 1018, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," John F. Kennedy Presidential Library, Boston [hereafter JFKPL].

60 Carl McIntire to Jerry Falwell, August 21, 1980, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

61 McIntire, the ACCC or the ICCC are mentioned only once in

InbodenWilliam, Religion and American Foreign Policy, 1945-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 274

; in

StevensJason, God-Fearing and Free: A Spiritual History of America's Cold War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2010), 66

; and in

FoglesongDavid, The American Mission and the "Evil Empire": The Crusade for a "Free Russia" since 1881 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 141

.

KirbyDianne, ed., Religion and the Cold War (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003)

ignores all Protestant anticommunists in the United States,

Settje'sDavid E. Faith and War: How Christians Debated the Cold and Vietnam Wars (New York: New York University Press, 2011)

all U.S. fundamentalists, and Lahr's Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares consistently maintains that only the new evangelicals' anticommunism mattered.

62 ACCC press release "Concerning the Present World Crisis Precipitated by Russia," October 31, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Resolutions," BJU.

63 L. Nelson Bell to Mrs. Leo Brady, February 29, 1960; L. Nelson Bell to Claude McIntosh, January 20, 1962, both in L. Nelson Bell Papers, box 35, Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton, Illinois [hereafter BGCA].

64 L. Nelson Bell to Joseph Mitchell, February 3, 1970, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA.

65 Truman-Garman correspondence in the Garman Papers, folder "Truman, Harry S.," BJU. Quote from W. O. H. Garman to Harry S Truman, February 24, 1949.

66 Memorandum by Harry W. Seamans, January 25, 1954, John Foster Dulles Papers, box 192, Rare Books and Special Collections, University of Princeton Library, Princeton, New Jersey.

67 FBI Headquarters file 94-HQ-37990, Memorandum, February 7, 1951, and ibid., July 13, 1954;

SmithGary Scott, Faith and the Presidency: From George Washington to George W. Bush (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 242

.

68 W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, July 27, 1946 and September 14, 1946, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

69 Christian Beacon , October 25, 1951, 1; Christian Beacon , January 31, 1951, 1; McIntire to Bible Presbyterian Church ministers, November 16, 1951, National Presbyterian Missions Collection, box 496, PCAHC.

70 Christian Beacon , March 19, 1953, 5; Christian Beacon , May 14, 1953, 1.

71 Christian Beacon , January 20, 1955, 1;

McIntireCarl, "How Communism Is Using the Churches," Christian Beacon, December 24, 1953, 8

;

"A Letter from Carl McIntire About the ICCC, June 4, 1956," Garman Papers, folder "Communism--Red Clergy," BJU; Christian Beacon, September 10, 1959, 1

.

72 Twenty Years , 11-15.

73

Save America Rally, Chicago, June 7, 1975 (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975), 5-7, 10-12

.

74

ShiresPreston, Hippies of the Religious Right (Waco, Tex.: Baylor University Press, 2007), 148, 175-80, 245-6

;

BivinsJason C., The Fracture of Good Order: Christian Antiliberalism and the Challenge to American Politics (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 25-9, 85-6

;

MarleyJohn, "Riding in the Back of the Bus: The Christian Right's Adoption of the Civil Right Movement's Rhetoric," in The Civil Rights Movement in American Memory, eds. Renee Christine Romano and Leigh Ford (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006), 346-62

.

75

HankinsBarry, Francis Schaeffer and the Shaping of Evangelical America (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2008), 22-26, 44-51, 158, 201-208

; Harding, The Book of Jerry Falwell , 129-130.

76 Jerry Falwell to William May, August 29, 1974, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 216, folder "Falwell, Jerry Dr. (1 of 2)," PTSEM.

77 Carl McIntire to David Lawrence, November 13, 1953, Garman Papers, folder

"International Council of Christian Churches," BJU. Robertson also worked with Billy Graham: Steven P. Miller, Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 55

.

78 Critchlow, Phyllis Schlafly , 66-8; Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sun Belt , 151-152, 231, 271-273;

McGirrLisa, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), 104-5, 233

; Phyllis Schlafly to McIntire, May 26, 1971, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 193, folder "Phyllis Schlafly."

79 W. O. H. Garman to McIntire, December 10, 1955, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU;

BundyEdgar C., "The Abraham Lincoln National Republican Club and Its Goal," Ashland Daily Press, April 21, 1955

, Hargis Papers, box 33, UARK.

80 Robert T. Ketcham to ACCC executive committee, May 28, 1954, Garman Papers, folder "Bundy, Edgar C.," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Carl McIntire, December 10, 1955, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

81 Elizabeth Dilling newsletter "February--1957 Month for Patriots (and Sleep)," nd, Hargis Papers, box 35, UARK.

82 On the Republican party factions and their relation to the New Christian Right's origins, see

CritchlowDonald T., The Conservative Ascendancy: How the GOP Right Made Political History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007)

;

SchoenwaldJonathan M., A Time for Choosing: The Rise of Modern American Conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001)

. For Billy Graham's efforts, see Miller, Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South , 72-88; Williams, God's Own Party , 21-34.

83

McIntireCarl, "Why Should Christians Be Kind to Jews?," Christian Beacon, October 27, 1938, 3-5

;

McIntireCarl, "The Plight of the Jews," Christian Beacon, February 22, 1940, 6

;

McIntireCarl, "The Problem of the Jew," Christian Beacon, July 24, 1941, 3, 6

;

RauschDavid A., Fundamentalist Christians and Anti-Semitism (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1993), chapter 5

.

84 For conspiracist antisemitic themes in the early fundamentalists' public argument, see

CarpenterJoel, Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 40-2, 91-105

;

TrollingerWilliam VanceJr., God's Empire: William Bell Riley and Midwestern Fundamentalism (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 63-82

.

85 Verne P. Kaub to Willis Carto, November 12, 1957, reel 21; Kaub to Billy James Hargis, January 24, 1961, reel 32; Kaub to Gerald L.K. Smith, November 30, 1955, reel 14, each in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

86 Christian Beacon , April 23, 1936, 4; McIntire, "Why Should Christians Be Kind to Jews?," 3-5; Christian Beacon , March 10, 1949, 4; Christian News , March 21, 1988, 1.

87 Christian Beacon , March 14, 1940, 8; Christian Beacon , May 10, 1945, 1.

88 Edward G. Stern to Louis Kariel, February 25, 1964, American Jewish Committee Anti-Semitic and Extremist Collection, box 194, folder Rev. Carl McIntire, American Jewish Committee Archives, New York.

89 Gerald L. K. Smith to Verne P. Kaub, November 23, 1955, reel 14, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

90

SmithGerald L. K., "God Bless McIntire," Cross and the Flag, February 1960, 13

;

SmithGerald L. K., "Editorial Briefs," Cross and the Flag, July 1966, 6

.

91 Christian Beacon , January 4, 1940, 1; Christian Beacon , April 11, 1940, 4;

McIntireCarl, The American Council of Churches: Its Purpose and Testimony (np, nd [1941]), 11-13

.

92 Wm. Harllee Bordeaux to ACCC executive committee members, April 7, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Conferences," BJU; W. O. H. Garman to Harry S Truman, March 16, 1950, Garman Papers, folder

"Truman, Harry S," BJU; Christian Beacon, January 26, 1961, 8

.

93

McIntireCarl, Servants of Apostasy (Collingswood, N.J.: Christian Beacon, 1955), 198

; News from the American Council of Christian Churches (October 25, 1956), np;

McIntireCarl, "Presbyterian Exaltation of United Nations Organization," Christian Beacon, April 18, 1957, 5, 8

.

94 For these connections, see Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 107-114, 170-175;

CrespinoJoseph, In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007), 164-66

.

95 Carl McIntire to Thomas Cross, October 4, 1948, National Presbyterian Missions Collection, box 496, file 68, PCAHC;

McIntireCarl, "Witch Hunting and the Origin of the So-Called Civil Rights Program," Christian Beacon, June 24, 1948, 2

.

96 Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30, 1957, Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 93, 94n26; Reich, "Twentieth Century Reformation," 115, 126-35, 144.

97 Robert T. Ketcham to McIntire, April 11, 1952, and McIntire to Ketcham, April 21, 1952, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 254, folder "Ketcham, Dr Robert T. 1950-1952," PTSEM; Wm. Harrlee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, March 2, 1955, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, reel 11, WHS.

98 Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30 and September 4, 1957, Hedegård Papers, A II a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL.

99 Arthur G. Slaght to Verne P. Kaub, July 3, 1952, ACCL Papers, reel 4, WHS; Carl McIntire to David Hedegård, August 30, 1957, Hedegård Papers, AII a, box 3, folder "ICCC Korrespondens 1957," RSAL; Christian Beacon , May 8, 1958, 5; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 94.

100

McIntire Teaches Sunday School Lesson (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1967), 3

.

101 Carl McIntire's address at the ICCC World Congress, July 16, 1975, Archer G. Weniger Papers, folder "International Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

102 See

KornweibelTheodoreJr., "Seeing Red": Federal Campaigns Against Black Militancy, 1919-1925 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998)

;

WoodsJeff, Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-Communism in the South, 1948-1968 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004)

.

103 "Resolution on Civil Rights" adopted at the ACCC convention in Atlanta, May 6-9, 1948, Garman Papers, folder "ACCC--Conferences," BJU.

104

Christian Beacon, November 18, 1948, 4

; William Harllee Bordeaux to Verne P. Kaub, March 2, 1955, reel 11, American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS;

The Ten Commandments and Civil Rights (Collingswood N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1963]), 1-2

;

McIntireCarl, "An Open Letter to Martin Luther King," Christian Beacon, June 11, 1964, 3, 7-8

.

105

BalmerRandall, Thy Kingdom Come: How the Religious Right Distorts the Faith and Threatens America (New York: Basic, 2006), 13-17

, is highly misleading.

106 American Council of Christian Churches and International Council of Christian Churches to the Democratic National Committee, September 21, 1960, Kennedy Pre-Presidential Papers, Religious Issue Files of James Wine, box 1018, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," JFKPL.

107 Christian Beacon , November 9, 1961, 3; Christian Beacon , February 1, 1962, 1; Christian Beacon , May 10, 1962, 3, 6.

108 See Hendershot, "God's Angriest Man," 375-84, 392-93.

109

McIntireCarl, "Kennedy Administration Cracks Down on Fundamental Churches," Christian Beacon, July 19, 1962, 1 (quote)

;

Religious Persecution and Discrimination by the Democratic Party (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd), 1-7

.

110 McIntire, "Kennedy Administration Cracks Down," 1.

111 Carl McIntire to Verne P. Kaub, May 6, 1954, reel 9; Kaub to McIntire, May 12, 1954, reel 9, both in American Council of Christian Laymen Papers, WHS.

112 Christian Beacon , July 26, 1962, 1, 8; Christian Beacon , November 8, 1962, 8;

McIntireCarl, "Harrassment of Churches by Federal Income Tax," Christian Beacon, November 8, 1962, 3

;

McIntireCarl, For Religious Reasons: Abolish the Income Tax (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd)

.

113 Christian Beacon , July 5, 1962, 1, 8.

114 Christian Beacon , July 5, 1962, 1;

McIntireCarl, Freedom to Pray (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1966), 1, 4, 8

.

115 ACCC press release, March 12, 1970, Weniger Papers, folder "American Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

116 Christian Beacon , February 1, 1973, 1, 8.

117

Official Publication of National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. Endorses Youth's Revolt Against Christian Sex Standards (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, nd [1961]), 2, 4

. For an earlier example, see

GarmanW. O. H., What Is Wrong with the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S.A. (New York: American Council of Christian Churches, 1957), 20-21

.

118 McIntire to W.T. Hiering, August 7, 1969, McIntire Manuscript Collection, box 28, folder

"McIntire Correspondence Mostly from 1960s + Early 1970s," PTSEM; Sex Education Report (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1969)

;

In Public Schools: Undermining the Morals of Minors (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1974)

.

119 Martin, With God On Our Side , 102-16; Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 23-40;

BrownRuth Murray, "For a Christian America": A History of the Religious Right (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus, 2002), 15-17, 29-45, 50-68

.

120 This fact was pointed out more than thirty years ago in the otherwise tendentious Clabaugh, Thunder on the Right , 23-64, but since then largely ignored. An exception is

LichtmanAllan J., White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008), 314

.

121 McIntire to Phyllis Schlafly, June 16 and July 24, 1978, box 184, folder "Schlafly, Phyllis," McIntire Manuscript Collection, PTSEM;

ERA: Equal Rights Amendment, Why Christians Should Oppose It (Collingswood, N.J.: Twentieth Century Reformation Hour, 1975)

; Christian Beacon , February 22, 1973, 1.

122 W. O. H. Garman to Stephen W. Paine, January 31, 1949, Garman Papers, folder "International Council of Christian Churches," BJU.

123

"Dr. Wright Says A.C.C.C. Men Deluded by Satan," The Baptist Bulletin (January 1951)

, Garman Papers, folder "National Association of Evangelicals," BJU.

124 L. Nelson Bell to Robert E. Craig, June 19, 1962, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA; L. Nelson Bell to Harrison Roy Anderson, December 21, 1966, Bell Papers, box 35, BGCA.

125 Bob Jones Jr. to James A. Pond, March 18, 1976, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

126 Billy James Hargis to McIntire, October 2, 1967, Garman Papers, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

127 Carl McIntire to Robert T. Ketcham, November 23, 1968, and Robert T. Ketcham to Bob Jones Jr., February 3, 1969, both in Fundamentalism File, folder "American Council of Christian Churches--McIntire Controversy," BJU; William Ashbrook to Ed Haver, May 11, 1965, Stenholm Papers, folder "Bundy, Edgar C.," BJU.

128 Fea, "Carl McIntire," 264-5; Jorstad, The Politics of Doomsday , 43.

129 McIntire, "The Wall of Jerusalem Also Is Broken Down," 10, 54, 117.

130 McIntire to Bob Jones III, November 26, 1971, Fundamentalism File, folder "American Council of Christian Churches--McIntire Controversy," BJU.

131 Bob Jones Jr. to Carl McIntire, May 24, 1980, Fundamentalism File, folder "McIntire, Carl," BJU.

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